The Sorry Saga of Bhutan's North

The Sorry Saga of Bhutan's North
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Friday, March 16, 2012

Researchers try to unravel mystery of immigrants' health woes

 
Tika Devi Gurung, left, and her children Sudesh, Parash, Suk Bahadur and Phul Maya, spent years in a refugee camp in Nepal before they were finally resettled in Ottawa in December.

Tika Devi Gurung, left, and her children Sudesh, Parash, Suk Bahadur and Phul Maya, spent years in a refugee camp in Nepal before they were finally resettled in Ottawa in December.

Photograph by: Bruno Schlumberger, The Ottawa Citizen , Ottawa Citizen

DAMAK, Nepal — It's a late November afternoon in Beldangi II camp, one of half a dozen United Nations refugee camps clustered in the southeastern corner of Nepal. Sixteen-year-old Sudesh Gurung is sitting on a stool outside his bamboo hut, poised for flight.

Nearly 20 years after they escaped ethnic tension in the mountain kingdom of Bhutan, the Gurung family — and almost 5,000 other Bhutanese refugees — are moving to Canada for resettlement, at the invitation and expense of the Canadian government. Within a few weeks, Sudesh, his widowed mother and three siblings will fly to Ottawa, where they will become permanent residents and begin to build new lives.

Lean and eager, Sudesh works hard at school, and does his homework by camp light. He can hardly fathom what comes next, and health is not at the top of his mind. In limited English, he hesitantly asks a visitor: "What school will I go to? Can I play cricket and soccer in Ottawa?"

At the other end of the migration journey, almost 45 years after arriving in Canada, Harminder Magon putters in his white and black Ottawa kitchen. He weighs the health values of every dish he's making, and reminds himself to check his insulin level and take his cholesterol pills.

Magon is a storyteller and bon vivant by nature; a husband, father and immigrant by choice. The restless youngest son in a wealthy Sikh family in Kenya, he came to Canada in 1967, and built a happy, prosperous life. Sudesh Gurung, on the other hand, arrived just two months ago. He hopes Canada will be where he finally can have safety, education and a country to call his own.

They came here assuming that if they worked hard and did their best, they would thrive. If they thought about health at all, it was simply that our medical system would take care of them, just as it takes care of all Canadians.

But a growing number of doctors, nurses, researchers and policy-makers say that's a flawed assumption, and a potentially dangerous one. They argue that — much like employment — health care is emerging as one area of immigration where Canada is failing many of the people we have brought in, whether they are recent arrivals like Sudesh or longtime residents like Magon.

Since the 1990s a growing body of data has suggested that most newcomers arrive in Canada healthier than the native-born population, only to have that advantage erode over time. New immigrants tend to live longer than the Canadian-born population, but within a decade of resettlement, their mortality rates creep up, as do their rates of chronic disease. In looking at almost a decade of data in its biannual National Population Health Survey, Statistics Canada also found immigrants were almost twice as likely as native-born Canadians to report feeling unwell. Recent non-European immigrants — the largest proportion of newcomers we currently admit — were the most likely to report their health declining from good or excellent to fair or poor.

No one has been able to put a price on the "healthy immigrant effect" in terms of lost productivity or health-care costs, but some basic math hints at the potential. Immigration has been a cornerstone of Canada's labour policy for decades. In 2010, we admitted 280,000 permanent residents, including skilled workers, sponsored family members and United Nations refugees, on top of 250,000 temporary visitors, such as foreign workers, international students and asylum-seekers asking for refugee status. Almost 20 per cent of us were born outside the country and immigrants are now responsible for two-thirds of our population growth, yet in many parts of Canada, policy-makers now consider immigrants an under-served population, along with First Nations and seniors.

While researchers and medical professionals are struggling to understand the precise why's and how's of this unhealthy welcome, there's a consensus that Canada's health-care system has been too slow to adapt to our increasingly diverse population. From front-line doctors and nurses to policy-makers, all levels of the medical system have been reluctant to let go of the hidden assumption that we're all pretty much alike, when it's clear that we aren't. Fixing that perception, advocates say, means learning to ask the right questions at every stage of care, from the waiting room to the examining room to the operating table, and from the well-baby clinic to the rehabilitation centre and the cancer survivor's support group.

"We assumed people would come, hook themselves up with a doctor and everything would be fine — after all, we have universal health care," says Morton Beiser, professor of psychology at Ryerson University and an expert on immigrant mental health. "What we didn't realize, and I think we still haven't quite acknowledged, is if you bring large groups of people from all over the world, it enriches your society but it also calls for institutional change. We have institutions that have been very slow to respond to the call for change, including the health care system."

***

It was the newspaper ads that ignited his curiosity. Harminder Magon vividly remembers seeing large notices in Kenyan newspapers in 1967, declaring that Canada needed hard-working immigrants. He knew nothing of this place beyond the cliches of igloos and wheat fields, but it didn't matter.

"I wanted to see the world," Magon says. "I figured if Canada wanted me, they'd find something for me to do."

The visa officer in Nairobi liked what he saw in Magon, a burly, six-foot-two, 21-year-old with an advanced secondary school education, charming and eager to work. But first he had to pass a medical examination to make sure he wasn't bringing tuberculosis or other communicable diseases into the country.

The image of the newcomer as a threat to public health is as old as Canada. The first Europeans to arrive in North America brought with them "white man's diseases," including measles and smallpox, which decimated the Huron, or Wyandot, nation. In New France, doctors boarded newly arrived ships to conduct medical examinations to keep the plague at bay. In 1832, colonial officials rushed to set up a quarantine station at Grosse Ile, Que., to contain the cholera pandemic sweeping Europe. In its early years, the hastily-erected station was an early sign of the unhealthy welcome, as it proved to be an unhygienic death-trap where thousands of previously healthy migrants — primarily Irish — died of cholera or typhus.

In 1928, the Canadian government made pre-departure medical examinations mandatory for all prospective immigrants. The landmark 1976 Immigration Act, which laid the basis for current policy, went further with the introduction of "excessive demand" on Canada's health-care system as grounds for inadmissibility. The act defines excessive demand as anything more than the average annual cost of social services per Canadian. That figure is updated annually and currently stands at $6,141.

Today, if an immigration medical officer believes an economic class immigrant or a sponsored parent or grandparent would put an undue burden on Canada's social services — by needing dialysis to treat kidney failure, for example, or special care for a severely disabled child — the application would most likely be rejected unless the applicant can prove otherwise.

The exceptions are the 25 per cent of permanent residents who are refugees (like Sudesh and his family) or spouses and children sponsored by permanent residents. They are screened and steered toward treatment if needed, but the excessive burden test is not applied to them. When they had their immigration medical in Nepal, Sudesh's 24-year-old sister Phul Maya tested positive for latent tuberculosis. Their departure was delayed nine months so she could receive treatment, and as soon as the family arrived in Canada, Ottawa Public Health began regular monitoring to make sure they are TB-free.

The immigration medical system is designed to catch and treat communicable diseases before they cross our borders, and screen out costly conditions. For the most part, only the healthiest get approved. That may explain, in part, why the emerging data on the healthy immigrant effect turned heads in the 1990s.

At first the effect was thought to suggest that all newcomers faced worsening health after migration to Canada. More recent findings suggest that it matters whether someone is from Warsaw or Kinshasa, whether they arrived 30 years ago or three, and whether they came to Canada as refugees traumatized by war or software developers searching for greener pastures.

With a few exceptions, the healthy immigrant effect appears to apply less to immigrants from Europe and the United States, while it hits other groups hard. Clarifying why, for example, people from the Philippines, China and India — the three biggest source countries for immigration to Canada — are over-represented in prevalence of chronic disease is crucial to finding a solution.

Similar patterns have been found among immigrant populations in other western countries, and researchers believe the problem lies in a combination of factors, starting with the complex interplay between genetics, diet and lifestyle.

"Fundamentally, we are all a product of our experience, our culture, our religious background, where we've lived," says Dr. David Butler-Jones, head of the Public Health Agency of Canada. "Then there's our parents and grandparents, our genetics. How that manifests itself depends on our environment. What we've been exposed to can shape how healthy we are."

Every Canadian carries his or her own risk factors, and ethnicity-specific diseases are nothing new. Canadian practitioners have long known to be alert for sickle cell anemia in patients of African descent, or to screen Jewish patients for Tay-Sachs disease. What's new is that as immigration Canada began to select a broader range of immigrants in the late 1960s, the ethnic composition of our population began to change, from heavily European to increasingly Asian, African, Latin American and Caribbean, while most of our medical research and guidelines for practitioners continued to be based on the risk factors and behaviour of Caucasian populations.

That's slowly changing. Researchers such as Dr. Sonia Anand, professor of medicine and population health expert at McMaster University in Hamilton, Ont., have started mining existing databases and conducting primary studies to explore the link between ethnicity and health. Thus far, the most studied communities have been the two biggest non-European ethnic groups in Canada: people from South Asia (India, Pakistan, Nepal, and others) and, to a lesser extent, from China.

An early database study suggested that Chinese Canadians had higher rates of cancer and lower rates of cardiovascular disease than the general population. Anand later led a team looking at risk factors across four ethnic groups — Caucasian, South Asian, Chinese and Aboriginal.

"What we observed and has been observed in other studies is that, for South Asians who live in Canada, the longer they live here, the more risk factors they accumulate for heart disease and diabetes, and at higher rates than Chinese or Caucasian," says Anand, adding that those risk factors include abdominal obesity, elevated blood sugar and higher amounts of so-called bad cholesterol.

South Asians have significantly more body fat than Caucasians with the same body mass index, so "a South Asian person might not look grossly overweight, but their percentage of body fat is too high," says Anand, putting them at risk of chronic illness at weights lower than people of other ethnic groups.

According to the Heart and Stroke Foundation, all Canadians have a one in three chance of having a heart attack or stroke. But Canadians of South Asian descent have three to five times higher risk than the average simply because of their genetic heritage. And that's for those who watch their weight and exercise — if you are of South Asian descent, overweight and largely sedentary, your risk of heart attack jumps to eight times the average.

Researchers around the world now recognize that South Asians, whether they live in New Delhi, Manchester or Ottawa, have a significantly higher risk of heart disease and diabetes than other ethnic groups. The Diabetes Foundation of India estimates there are 40 million people in India with Type 2 diabetes, and expects that figure to double by 2025. Indian public health authorities are grappling with malnutrition among the poor and obesity among the growing middle and upper classes — another signal that the healthy immigrant effect is about much more than what genes a newcomer brings to Canada.

"The analogy I use is that it's like taking a seed from a certain soil and transplanting it to a different soil, with the seed being genetics," says Anand, herself the Canadian-born daughter of immigrants from India. "If the normal environment or soil for a South Asian seed is rural India, that's where it will flourish. If you move that seed into an urban environment — whether in India or elsewhere — where we don't expend much energy but we consume a lot of energy, the seed grows in a different way. If we all just stayed in places like rural India, doing jobs where we sweat a lot, South Asians would not have an epidemic of Type 2 diabetes and heart disease."

Harminder Magon's grandfather emigrated from India to Kenya, and made a fortune in business. He was also a diabetic who died following complications from a leg injury. Magon's father and three of his uncles all died relatively young, all from heart disease or diabetes.

When he transplanted to Saskatoon almost 45 years ago, Magon quickly got a job as an architectural technician and embraced the Canadian diet with gusto.

"Breakfast would start with Coca-Cola and leftovers from the night before, which I would eat while I was cooking bacon and eggs with cheese, beans and sausages," Magon says of the years he now calls his "indulge and bulge" period. "For my morning break I'd have coffee with a cream-filled doughnut. Lunch would be mostly either pizza or Chinese buffets, or veal cutlet sandwiches with gravy and fries."

Supper with his wife, Surinder Kaur Magon, was usually a nod to their Indian heritage: a rich curry, some chapatis loaded with butter, some rice and a few vegetables, cooked to exhaustion. Dessert would be a store-bought cheesecake or ice cream, often followed by a late-night snack of double-deep-fried egg rolls.

By the time his son Harpreet was born in 1976, Magon weighed more than 300 pounds. "I was a big, fat jolly guy, and it didn't bother me," he says.

What did bother him was getting out of breath after five minutes of playing on the floor once his son started to crawl. He cut back drastically on sugar and fat, started swimming and cycling, and lost 100 pounds in eight months. It wasn't enough. First came back trouble, then his gall bladder. After he moved to Ottawa in 1990 to work for the Canadian Union of Public Employees, Magon began to travel a lot, eating irregular meals, sitting on planes and getting less exercise. Soon he developed circulation problems in his legs and later was diagnosed diabetic. It was the first time a doctor had explained his hereditary risk factors to him, and tied it to family, not ethnicity.

Then, last fall, Magon couldn't make it up the stairs at home without feeling winded. After excellent care at the Montfort Hospital and the University of Ottawa Heart Institute, he was diagnosed with unstable angina, caused by small blockages in his arteries. It was a warning Magon has taken seriously, dropping another 45 pounds, exercising regularly and taking medications for cholesterol, blood pressure and diabetes. He's also an evangelist for healthy eating, spreading the word about healthy international and South Asian food through cooking classes in his home and on his Facebook page, Desi Guys Should Learn How to Cook.

"I indulged and abused my body," he says with a sigh.

Surinder smiles. "You were too stubborn to listen to your body."

"I'm listening now dear, trust me," Magon replies.

***

Sudesh Gurung's father died suddenly while doing manual labour on the black market in Nepal several years ago. "It was blood pressure, maybe," Sudesh shrugs. What does that have to do with him, young, fit and full of the future?

Harminder Magon missed the red flags in his family tree and revelled in high-calorie traditional cuisine while adopting the worst his new environment had to offer. But when his health hit a crisis, Magon had the advantages of speaking fluent English, understanding the Canadian medical system and feeling confident dealing with his caregivers. He also recovered in a comfortable home with healthy food, a strong, supportive network of family and friends, and no worries about how to pay for extra costs or transportation.

Many recent arrivals are not so lucky. Problems in any one of those areas — housing, food security, social exclusion and income, known collectively as social determinants of health — can have a significant impact on their recovery and future health.

Toronto Public Health took a close look at the research on immigrant health in a study released last November, and one finding stood out, says Dr. David McKeown, the city's medical officer of health.

"We documented better than in the past that some of the challenges faced by everyone in maximizing their health potential — acquiring the social determinants of health, such as economic success and integration into the community — are real challenges for newcomers, have an impact on their health and cause them to gradually lose the health they brought with them," says McKeown.

In many ways, the healthy immigrant effect underscores the shortcomings of integration. Increasingly, immigrants who arrived in the last 10 years are underemployed compared to their skills and over-represented among Canada's poor. It's well-documented that poor people are less likely to have secure housing and good diets, and less likely to stay healthy.

The impact of migration on mental health is also key, and another reminder that one-size-fits-all approaches don't work for the newcomer population. How someone arrived here, and what path their settlement took, can make a crucial difference in how their mental health problems manifest themselves. Did they flee conflict only to live in limbo for decades, like the Gurungs, or did they simply trade one comfortable life for another? Did they struggle to find work, or did they slide right into an executive position?

Dr. Joel Ray, an obstetrician at St. Michael's Hospital in Toronto, sees many Filipina, Sri Lankan and Ethiopian women and their babies in his practice, which serves one of the country's most ethnically diverse neighbourhoods. He believes the gaps in health care for newcomers are partly the result of "unintentional, non-malicious insensitivity."

"As Canadians we're just understanding what our current, multi-ethnic generation of immigrants are really like and physicians and nurses are absolutely no better," says Ray. "They rarely understand the cultural health-related aspects of where someone comes from, and how that might have an impact on their health."

That can translate into newcomers having less of a chance of finding a family doctor than the average Canadian, says Dr. Kevin Pottie, a physician at the Bruyere Centre for Family Medicine in Ottawa.

"It's recognized that a big barrier to care is often integrating a newcomer family into community-based primary care," says Pottie, who is also a researcher at the University of Ottawa's Institute for Population Health. "Doctors are very busy and a newcomer family is often not at the top of their list" when it comes to choosing new patients.

And what if a practitioner and patient don't speak the same language, not just figuratively but literally? Sarah Bowen, a public health expert at the University of Alberta, has studied under-served populations and believes language is the single biggest obstacle to effective care for many new Canadians. Although the percentage of newcomers arriving with poor proficiency in either official language is on the decline as the government assigns more weight to language skills, there are still tens of thousands of Canadians who struggle. Bowen says patients who can't communicate with their doctors or nurses are less likely to absorb healthy living messages or seek preventive treatment, and more likely to go to an emergency room instead of a primary care physician.

"If you're not communicating properly, there's more chance you'll be misdiagnosed, more chance you won't understand the treatment or the medications and higher risk you'll take them incorrectly," says Bowen. "There's good evidence in the literature that providers, in the face of a language barrier, are more likely to rely on testing, which ups the costs. They say 'I'm not sure I'm getting the full story here, better to do an X-ray just in case.'"

This applies not just to recent immigrants, says Bowen, but to earlier waves of immigrants — for example, from Germany, Ukraine or Italy. As they reach old age and their cognitive abilities decline, some Canadians are losing their second language skills.

Part of the difficulty in forming a comprehensive policy is that the problem cuts across sectors and responsibilities: immigrants are federal, health is provincial. Immigrant health features prominently in settlement conferences and government policy papers these days, accompanied by calls for more data. Studies on the risk factors for South Asians have captured a lot of attention, but other large and growing ethnic communities await their close-up. In the meantime, practitioners on the front lines are starting to collaborate and compare notes.

"Immigrants today are like pioneers, and pioneers are the most productive, hard-working and often healthiest people," says Pottie. "Lots of different people are working together now, believing that we need better care for newly arriving immigrants and refugees, and we're building a foundation for that."

Sudesh Gurung is settling in at school, cheerfully unaware of risk factors and plenary sessions. As he updates his Facebook status, his friends — also from Bhutan — tease him about his new love for chicken burgers from McDonald's, and laugh at how Canadian clothes are much too big for them.

"Me, I'm very healthy and strong," Sudesh says with a broad grin. "No worries."

ltaylor@ottawacitizen.com

An EMAIL: Plight of Non-Registered Bhutanese refugees in Nepal - an Urgent Call

Bhutanese Refugees Camp
Beldangi
Jhapa, Nepal
Dated : Feb 21, 2012

Dear Sir/ Madam,

The purpose of this email is intended to share and make our concern known to all concerned fellow Bhutanese who have been resettled but certainly not denying to have forgotten the appalling and inhumane sufferings of a significant number of people like us who are languishing in the camps in eastern Nepal without formal registration - deprived of basic right to identity and survival.
Drawing attention of all concerned fellow Bhutanese, particularly those who had been campaigner of Human Rights and defender of civil, political and cultural rights in Bhutan, we sincerely believe it is once again high time to realize each other’s duties and moral responsibility as the situation calls for urgent respond to the plight of some 3000 unrecognized fellow Bhutanese seeking asylum in Nepal.
In general, un-registered bhutanese refugees fall under various levels of registration categories such as:
Census Absentees (CA) – Registered persons, absent during the 2006/07 joint census verification.
Asylum seekers (ASR)- Non-registered persons, those who had attended 2006/07 joint verification census exercise. Photo for Refugee ID Cards not issued.
Prisoner of Conscience – Those detained in jail in Bhutan and have arrived in Nepal after release.
Non-registered (New arrivals) – more recent arrivals from Bhutan and those who have not attended 2006/07 joint verification census.
we (Asylum Seekers from Bhutan) living in the camps in Jhapa and Morang in Eastern Nepal, sincerely wish to draw your urgent and generous attention to one of the most protracted and appalling situation facing some 3000 non-registered Bhutanese - Asylum Seekers.
Many of us who have formally registered asylum claims during Bhutanese Refugees Camp population census exercise jointly carried out by the Government of Nepal and UNHCR in the year 2006 – 2007, and those who have been interviewed during the Re-registration Exercise in 2008, are awaiting the Government’s decision on the ‘refugee’ status claim till date.

Nepal Government’s swift decision on asylum claims would have certainly been beneficial for us – those who are in desperate need of International protection. It is primarily due to the pending Government decision on the long awaited complementary registration process that we are deprived of the much needed humanitarian support and protection of UN-Refugee Agency (UNHCR). Several appeals we have made in the past to the Higher Authorities of the Nepal Government through the local administration (CDO Office) Chandragadi, Jhapa, offered no respite except for the empty rhetoric.
In an effort to draw attention to our concerns, we even resorted to a number of democratic protest programs; one of such events was the Fast Onto Death Hunger strike that we staged in Pathari and Beldangi camps in January 2011 (from 11/01/2011 - 14/01/2011). On the eve of fourth day we called off the strike after CDO Jhapa, convened a meeting with us at Pathibhara (Armed Police Force Barrack) in Damak and assured us that he would resolve the crisis within fifteen days; however, no tangible efforts have been made so far as the crisis still remains intact.
Besides, such protest programs we have organised various delegations to local government authorities (CDO/UNHCR Field Office Damak) and Home Ministry, Kathmandu to no avail.
Our delegation to Home Jt. Secretary and UNHCR Dy. Country Representative on October 10, 2011 and the Home Minister Bijay Kumar Gachhadar on Dec 19, 2011 included representatives of all above cited groups, as given below:
Dhan Kumar Rai – Prisoner of Conscience (18 years in Jail in Bhutan), Khudunabari, Camp. (Kabari/G2/105) (Pakha Gaon, Sibsoo Bhutan)
Deepak Rai – Asylum Seeker, Beldangi – II,(Bel-II/I3/115) (Gola Baazar, Sibsoo Bhutan.
Laxman Gurung – ASR, Bel-I/G2/138 (Gopini, Chirang Bhutan)
Yad Bahadur Gurung – Prisoner of Conscience (7 years in jail in Bhutan), Beldangi-II (Bel/A3/56) (Danabari, Phanfaney, Geylephu Bhutan).
Kishore Kumar Bhandari – ASR, Sanischare pathari (SAN/A4/44) – Ghumauney, Samchi Bhutan.
Tezman Chhetri, Torture Victim (6 years in Jail in Bhutan), Sanischare Camp, SAN/E2/22. Bhur – Geylephu.
Chandra Bahadur Chhetri, ASR – New Arrival, Sanischare camp, (SAN/G1/50).
Bishnu Prasad Sharma, CA, (Kbari/G1/30), Jogimara, Sibsoo Bhutan.
Bhim Tiwari, CA, (Kbari/B1/61), Neoly, Samdrupjongkhar.
Mahendra Nepal, ASR-New Arrival, SAN/A4/09)
Trulku Kezang Tamang Lama – Sanischare camp(SAN/A1/31)
In spite of all these, we are in constant follow-up with the concerned authorities.  Although, there isn’t any tangible progress, but we are still positive and hopeful about it.
So far we believe this is the only democratic means to put our concerns through, but with the passage of time, people are loosing patience and getting more and frustrated and aggresive.
As Asylum Seekers, we are left with only limited options and have no legitimate rights or access to legal procedures. It is widely presumed that one of the biggest problems is that the plight of this segment of Bhutanese refugee population is simply not recognized as being a serious humanitarian issue by the concerned authorities, and apparently there are still some major gaps in the knowledge of concerned authorities about the presence of unrecognized people like us in the camps, living in void - practically deprived of basic right to food and identity which over the period of time rendered us vulnerable, forced into exacerbated poverty, created social tensions, broken families, and destroyed children’s futures.
At this time point of time, we are besieged by uncertainties, rumours, virtually no hope for any kind of support and protection, we regret to express our deep concern on the Nepal Government’s apathetic and virtually reluctant position in giving a decision on the long pending ‘refugee’ status claim we have formally registered, which is eventually dragging us into even more horrendous situation of de jure and defacto statelessness.
As rational humans beings, we sincerely believe that we do deserve recognition as persons before the law with formal rights and obligations, therefore made appeal to Home Minister to look into the plight under humanitarian perspectives and respond to this issue – of long awaited decision sympathetically.
We also would like to mention that there are several ficticious groups within the camps that with ulterior motives staged hunger strike in last November – 2011. It was a futile attempt to protest as both UNHCR and Nepal government authorities pronounced it undemocratic and illegal as the strikers resorted to taking laws in their hands during their sit-in protest. It would be worthwhile and appreciated if our Bhutanese fellowmen abroad do not blindly make moral as well as financial support to such groups without verifying authenticity of their protest programs and mode of their protest.
Although, we do need your moral support and concerns, but we seek your support only in times of genuine needs. We have formed a committee, Asylum Seekers Cordination committee (ASRCC) and it was under this committee we have been launching various activities. It is only widely supported Ad hoc committee functioning with support from all groups.
We are waiting for another few weeks for the Nepal government to address our problems. We are planning for yet another delegation to Home Ministry as well as to the Prime Minister if the problems remain unresolved. Given the sluggish response and visibly reluctant stand on the plight of non-registered refugees, we are afraid if we would be forced to take the matter to the apex court of Nepal and seek apex court's ruling on our legitimacy in seeking asylum in Nepal. If it is beyond refugees right to appeal in the court of law in country of asylum, we would move the International court of Justice.
In this connection, we would like to have your views and opinions. Further, we would like to have your kind support both moral and financial if really we feel the need in the very near future.
Kindly contact us at the following phone numbers:
Deepak Rai (former AMCC representative to Sikkim) – (0977) – 9814988171,
Laxman Guurng : (0977- 9722356396.
We are most eagerly waiting for your prompt response, your valuable comments and suggestions are highly solicited.
Laxman / Deepak
Bhutanese refugees camp in Jhapa, Eastern Nepal

The Enigma of Bhutan

Kai Bird

Dilli Ram Dhimal, 73, sits cross-legged on his bed in a bamboo shack in Goldhap, a camp that once housed some 5,000 Bhutanese refugees in southeastern Nepal. In a month he will arrive in America, a citizen of the New World. He stares at me through eyeglasses thick as a magnifying glass. He must be half-blind. He is dressed in a Nepali-style kurta shirt and baggy pants. His full beard is white and his brown skin is gnarled and wrinkled from decades of laboring in his rice paddy. He once owned six acres of paddy and a wooden house in Lali, a small village in the southeastern lowlands of the Kingdom of Bhutan. Dhimal’s father and grandfather were both born in Bhutan. As a young man he had worked on building the road to Thimphu, the kingdom’s capital in the mountains to the north. “I can remember when the king rode a donkey,” Dhimal says in Nepali, the only language he knows. “Now he rides in a car over the roads we built.”
Kai Bird lived in Nepal from 2007 to 2011.
Dhimal describes the day in June 1992 when Tshring Togbe, the district magistrate, arrived in Lali accompanied by Bhutanese soldiers. Togbe called the villagers to assemble and then announced over a loudspeaker that they had seven days to pack up their belongings and leave the country. He spoke to them in Nepali. When a few of the peasants protested, an army officer shouted, “This is a hunting ground, and we can take you like monkeys.”
Dhimal, his wife and five young children decided to leave. They had heard of people being killed in neighboring villages. He thought he would return in a few weeks, when things settled down. Before trekking toward the Indian border, he released his cattle.
By 1992 an estimated 80,000 Bhutanese of Nepali ancestry had been pushed across the Bhutanese border into Indian territory. There, Indian army trucks immediately transported them to the Mechi River and pushed them across the border into Nepal. These refugees constituted at least 15 percent of Bhutan’s estimated population of 550,000.
Stranded in the open on the Mechi River bank just inside Nepal, the refugees were not exactly welcomed by their ancestral compatriots. The government in Kathmandu deemed the refugees citizens of Bhutan and requested assistance from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Eventually, seven refugee camps were built in the southeastern districts of Jhapa and Morang, where the UN’s World Food Program fed them a daily ration. But the government of Nepal declined to issue work permits to the refugees. And so there the Bhutanese refugees languished for nearly two decades.
By 2007, because of natural population growth, approximately 108,000 refugees lived in the seven camps. In that year, the US ambassador to Nepal, James Moriarty, brokered an agreement to resettle them in several Western countries. Astonishingly, more than 60,000 Bhutanese—many of them peasants like Dilli Ram Dhimal and his family—have already been resettled abroad. The vast majority, more than 50,000, have gone to the United States, with the rest resettling in Australia, Canada, Denmark, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway and Britain.
* * *
By any definition, what happened in Bhutan in the years 1989–93 was ethnic cleansing. The Bhutanese government denies this and has refused to repatriate any of those forcibly expelled.
By all accounts, the problem began when the royal family was startled to learn from a government census in 1988 that the Nepali-speaking Lhotshampas (literally, “southern people”) of southern Bhutan were threatening to become a majority. In response, King Jigme Singye Wangchuck promulgated a series of edicts that he said would preserve Bhutan’s cultural heritage. He defined this national culture, however, as Drukpa—the culture of the descendants of migrants from Tibet who practice Mahayana Buddhism and speak the Dzongkha language. The Drukpas have certainly been the dominant, ruling ethnic group in Bhutan for hundreds of years, but up until the 1980s Bhutan was a multiethnic society that included the Sharchops (also originally from Tibet), the Lhotshampas and more than a dozen other linguistic, ethnic and religious groups.
On January 6, 1989, the 33-year-old king proclaimed a policy of “One Nation, One People.” Henceforth, it seemed that by virtue of a royal edict all Bhutanese would have to dress and speak like Drukpas. The teaching of Nepali to Lhotshampa schoolchildren was banned. They would have to learn Dzongkha. All citizens would also have to wear Drukpa attire, the gho coat for men and the kira for women. A recent citizenship law had required the Lhotshampas to produce pre-1958 tax receipts to prove that they were not illegal immigrants.
Naturally, these royal edicts aroused opposition. A few of the king’s advisers appealed to him to modify his policies toward his Nepali-speaking subjects. One of the king’s physicians, Dr. Bhampa Rai, approached the king’s second maternal uncle and warned him that the situation was going “to earn a bad name for the king.” Rai was told by the uncle, “The king is not listening to his advisers.” Rai is a Lhotshampa himself. “Everyone in Bhutan is an immigrant,” he told me. “The king who first united Bhutan came from Tibet. And when the first Wangchuck king was crowned in 1907, my great-grandfather was already there.”
Initial peaceful protests in southern Bhutan eventually escalated into incidents of vandalism and attacks on policemen. Young Lhotshampas made a public show of burning their Drukpa clothing. The king’s security apparatus responded to these protests with arrests. And then anyone associated with the protests was branded a traitor and expelled. It was a gradual process, but by the summer of 1992 tens of thousands of Lhotshampas were being forcibly expelled. According to a 1995 report commissioned by the UNHCR and published by the human rights group WriteNet:
For approximately eighteen months after the demonstrations ethnic Nepalis were at the greatest risk of gross physical abuse. Experience of such treatment, or the threat or fear of being subjected to it, was commonly cited by refugees who left the country during this period as the primary motivation for doing so. Since then, the level of serious physical abuse has declined significantly, although cases of torture and ill-treatment in police stations and prisons in the south continue to be reported. The arrest of ethnic Nepalis also continues, albeit on a much smaller scale, but refugees state that many of those who are detained are released only after specifically agreeing to leave the country.
At the time, the plight of the Bhutanese refugees garnered little attention. Far more serious ethnic cleansing in Bosnia and Rwanda was grabbing the headlines. There were no massacres in Bhutan, only arbitrary arrests, violent interrogations and some disappearances. Officially, the Bhutanese simply claim that these refugees were recent—by their definition, post-1958—illegal immigrants, squatters if you will, who never had any claim to Bhutanese citizenship. (Last year I interviewed dozens of people in the camps and nearly everyone pulled out a dog-eared copy of their Bhutanese citizenship card, sometimes carefully laminated in plastic.) There’s no doubt that most of these people were forcibly expelled on the express orders of Bhutan’s then-reigning absolute monarch, King Wangchuck. Nor is there any doubt that the Indian government facilitated these expulsions. (Why? is another question, but New Delhi has long valued its close alliance with the Wangchuck dynasty.)
* * *
With the international community preoccupied with other crises, King Wangchuck escaped any real censure from the international community. How did he get so lucky?
Dorji Wangmo Wangchuck, one of his four queens—all sisters—described her husband in her 2006 book, Treasures of the Thunder Dragon: A Portrait of Bhutan. He was, she wrote, a “wise king whose unique philosophy of governance measures the country’s progress and development not by its gross domestic product…but its gross national happiness (GNH)—this is the stuff of which legends, and romantic flights of fancy, are born.” Quite so. And the king’s remarkable public relations machine has indeed used the GNH moniker to garner worldwide praise for Bhutan’s rapid economic development. (No one, of course, knows how to measure happiness, but Bhutan’s GDP is about $4.3 billion and it has a per capita income of around $1,900, making it relatively prosperous compared with its neighbors. And largely because of its efficient exploitation of hydropower resources, Bhutan’s economy has been growing in the double digits for many years.)
On a recent trip to Bhutan I had the good fortune to sit next to Queen Wangchuck at India House, the elegant official residence of Indian Ambassador Pavan Varma. She was so lovely, so charming and so articulate that it would have been rude to inquire about the events of twenty years ago. Neither did I have the courage to query the new king, His Majesty Dasho Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck, when we were briefly introduced a few minutes later at the same party. Moreover, I thought to myself, it would have seemed as though I was interrogating him for the sins of his father.
At 31, the young king is even more charismatic than the Queen Mother. Educated at Phillips Academy in Andover, Wheaton College and Oxford, Khesar Wangchuck became king in 2006 when his father abruptly decided to abdicate at the age of only 50. Both father and son—colloquially referred to as K4 and K5 because they are respectively the fourth and fifth in the Wangchuck dynasty dating back to 1907—have guided the country toward a quasi-constitutional monarchy. Fair National Assembly elections were held in 2008—the royalist party captured forty-four out of the forty-seven seats, even though the very loyal opposition polled about 33 percent of the popular vote in a first-past-the-post electoral system. The monarchy still wields enormous influence.
On the same day I met Khesar, I watched him give a speech that morning in the National Assembly in which he announced his engagement to Jetsun Pema, 21, a stunningly beautiful daughter of a Druk Air pilot. K5 is down-to-earth and extremely personable. In our brief conversation he told me he loves to work in his vegetable garden, and like his father, he is an avid mountain-bike enthusiast. People talk about the day he walked up and down Thimphu’s main business boulevard, stopping to chat inside each shop with the customers. Recently he spent six days visiting one of Thimphu’s universities, where he sat in on various classes and mingled with students. A professor observed afterward that K5 was “extremely impressive—articulate, warm, smart, responsive and funny.” The king is obviously working hard to become a “people’s king.”
The Wangchuck dynasty thus seems a model of good governance. Over the past half-century the monarchy has implemented methodical and transparently rational steps to develop the kingdom’s economy. It has pragmatically allowed corporations from India, its giant neighbor to the south, to exploit its tremendous hydropower resources. The literacy rate is above 60 percent—nearly everyone in Thimphu seems to speak flawless English. The streets of Thimphu and other towns are clean, and the tap water is potable—a rarity in South Asia. Relatively few tourists visit, but that’s because the Wangchucks decided long ago that they want only the high-spending, boutique tourist trade. To get a tourist visa one must plunk down in advance more than $200 per day. As developing countries go, Bhutan seems to be doing everything smartly.
And yet, there is this little matter of forcibly expelling nearly one-sixth of your population. How could such nice people do this? I spoke with Tenzing Yonten, the director of the Royal Thimphu College, who was once married to one of the daughters of K4. I asked him what he thought most people think today about what happened in the early 1990s. When Yonten hesitated, his American colleague interrupted to say, “Well, that’s a difficult topic.” Yonten then replied, “I think most people have forgotten about it. The issue has faded away.”
I responded, “But do you understand that all these refugees are going to America, where their sons and daughters are going to get educated? And then some of them are going to start speaking out about what happened to their families. Some of them are going to want to come back here on their American passports. And then many of the elderly refugees I interviewed in the camps say they won’t go to America. They are waiting, hoping that someday the Bhutanese government will relent and allow a few of them to come home.” Yonten sat in silence, and then he said, “Yes, but they will find that there is nothing to come back to. Their homes and lands are gone.”
* * *
Bhutanese officials are quick to point out that there are still Nepali-speaking Lhotshampas in their midst. The government won’t specify, but they probably still constitute 20–25 percent of the population. In public, these Lhotshampas conform to the Drukpa attire, and if they are at all educated they speak both Dzongkha and English. A handful of Lhotshampas were elected to the National Assembly in 2008. But the Nepali speakers I talked with indicate that there is a glass ceiling. They feel culturally and politically discriminated against by the ruling Drukpas. “They don’t like us,” one young man told me.
With at least 50,000 Lhotshampas becoming American citizens, it may someday be harder for the Wangchuck dynasty to ignore this difficult history. They have proudly sold themselves in the West as guardians of an idyllic Buddhist culture. The unspoken implication is that it was necessary to purge these people in order to save the last Buddhist kingdom. The Chinese destroyed Tibet, and the Indians absorbed Sikkim. Bhutanese (Drukpa) culture is unique and tough measures were needed to preserve it. Evidently, this was the former king’s cold calculus.
And then again, let’s put this in perspective. A hundred thousand refugees is a paltry number compared with the number of Palestinian, Congolese, Darfuri and Bihari refugees. After all, the modern history of forced expulsions by one ethnic group against another involves millions of victims. And why are these particular refugees coming to America? If the UNHCR had never built the refugee camps, would the government of Nepal have felt compelled to give these ancestral Nepalese work permits or even citizenship? Not very likely. Isn’t this like the Israelis arguing that Lebanon, Jordan, Syria and Egypt should have absorbed the Palestinian refugees of 1948 and ‘56 and ‘67? So maybe America should have offered refuge to the Palestinians sixty years ago? But these are just teasing counter-factuals. Millions of refugees around the world remain refugees for decades or more.
The story of the Bhutanese refugees is thus unusual in that it has an ending. Most of them are going to find a new home in America or elsewhere. This brings some measure of closure for the refugees—but ironically, also for the Wangchucks. They hope the unhappy story of what they did twenty years ago will disappear with the closing down of the refugee camps in southern Nepal. It is as if it didn’t happen. Now they can get on with Gross National Happiness.
But there is another specter haunting the Wangchuck dynasty’s Shangri-La: globalization. Internet, television, Bollywood and rock and roll have invaded the kingdom. Thimphu has a free press. But it is a press that observes two cultural taboos: criticism of the royal family, and discussion of what happened to the Lhotshampas. How long can that last?
Bhutan is a beautiful place. High-end tourists love it. Here is my revealed prejudice: I have lived in Nepal for the past four years. In contrast with Bhutan, nothing works in Kathmandu. The electricity is off as much as eighteen hours a day in the winter months. The streets are jammed with unimaginable traffic. The Bagmati River is clogged with plastic bags and other refuse. The drinking water is sickly. But in 2006 there was a people’s uprising that threw out a truly decadent and inefficient royal family. The royal palace is now a national museum. The newspapers are filled with scurrilous attacks on anything and everybody. Anyone can say anything he or she wants. The politicians dawdle irresponsibly, and the Brahmin elite shamelessly does everything it can to perpetuate a Hindu caste culture that holds the country back. Every month or so one of the twenty-four political parties declares a bandh—a strike—and the city comes to a screeching halt. Chaos reigns in Kathmandu. But I like it. It smells of freedom. And I dare say, someday the Bhutanese will get a whiff of it.











Saturday, February 11, 2012

New Zealand on Bhutan



Here

CIA on Bhutan



https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/bt.html

Refugee Resettlement in Canada Information Bulletin No. 1

The following information bulletin was handed out in the refugee camps in May 2008 to more than 15,000 Bhutanese refugees. The goal was to provide information about the Canadian resettlement process and to answer some initial questions about life in Canada.

What you need to know about Canada

  • Resettlement is the word used by Canada to describe the process of bringing you to Canada to live there permanently.
  • Refugees can apply to resettle to Canada, whether they are healthy or sick, young or old.
  • When you come to Canada to live, you will live in cities with other Canadians. You will not live in camps.
  • Refugees receive assistance to resettle in Canada.
  • Refugees who come to Canada are no longer refugees, but permanent residents, and can eventually become citizens.
  • Canada is working with other countries to support repatriation of some refugees who wish to go back to Bhutan.
  • You should contact the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to apply for resettlement. It doesn’t cost any money to submit an application.

Canada to offer resettlement to refugees from Bhutan in Nepal

  • Up to 5,000 Bhutanese refugees will be able to come to Canada. If you want to come to Canada, you should contact the UNHCR.
  • In October 2008, Canadian officers will begin interviewing refugees who want to come to Canada. The first group of refugees will begin to arrive in Canada in early 2009.
  • Canada expects to bring all 5,000 refugees to Canada over the next four years.
  • After you have told the UNHCR that you are interested in resettlement, the UNHCR will decide whether or not to forward your application to Canada. If Canada receives your application, a Canadian officer will decide if you can come to Canada. It could take several months or more after you and your family have had your Canadian interview before you actually travel to Canada.
  • You decide whether you want to apply to resettle or not. For some people, it is the best choice to make for themselves and their families. For others, the decision may not be so simple. Canada wants to make sure you have all the correct information to make the best decision.

Who will be eligible to come to Canada

If you are interested in resettling to Canada, and are a registered refugee from Bhutan, you should tell the UNHCR. The UNHCR is distributing “Declaration of Interest” forms and will help you decide if resettlement is the best choice for you.
Canada will accept all kinds of refugees, whether you are healthy or sick, young or old. The selection is not based on job skills or education. However, there is no guarantee that you will be accepted to come to Canada. You will be interviewed by a Canadian officer who will make the final decision.
The UNHCR can refer you to Canada if:
  • You have been recognized by the Government of Nepal as a refugee;
  • You participated in the 2007 UNHCR-Government of Nepal Census completed on 11 May 2007;
  • You live in one of seven refugee camps in Nepal—Beldangi-I, Beldangi-II, Beldangi-II ext, Sanischare, Goldhap, Timai and Khudunabari—or you live outside these camps but have been recognized as a refugee by the Government of Nepal as a refugee from Bhutan; and
  • The UNHCR has decided that you are someone who would benefit from going to live in another country.

Questions and answers

Q: Who can apply to resettle to Canada?
A: If you wish to be resettled, you can indicate an interest in resettling to Canada on the Declaration of Interest form distributed by the UNHCR. However, the decision as to which resettlement country a refugee will be referred will be taken by the UNHCR. If you have relatives or friends who have already gone to Canada, and if you wish to live near them, you should let the UNHCR know, and identify those family members or friends.
Q: Do education, training, work experience and age matter if I apply to come to Canada?
A: No. However, all refugees must pass medical, security and criminality examinations to come to Canada. Ultimately, it is a Canadian official who will decide if a person may come to Canada.
Q: How long will it take to go to Canada?
A: It can take several months or more from the time you are interviewed by the Canadian officer to the time you actually travel to Canada.
Q: Will we have to live in refugee camps in Canada?
A: No. There are no refugee camps in Canada. You will live in small or large communities throughout Canada. You will have help in finding a place to live and you will be free to move while in Canada. Once in Canada, you will enjoy the same rights and responsibilities as other permanent residents.
Q: Can I travel with my family to Canada?
A: You and your husband or wife, and children who are 22 years old or younger can apply on the same application form and come to Canada together. Canada also tries to keep families (brothers and sisters, older children) together when they apply at the same time.
For example, an adult man, his wife, his children and his parents and brothers and sisters will all be able to come to Canada together if they apply at the same time. It is very important to tell the UNHCR officers and the Canadian officials, and to list all your family members (including all the children, brothers and sisters, parents, husband and wife), even those who don’t live in Nepal, on your application form when you apply to come to Canada.
People who are not listed on the application may not be able to come to Canada in the future. If you get married or have a baby after your interview, you must tell a Canadian official so that they can be included in your application.
Q: What help will I get in Canada?
A: You will get financial assistance to help you pay for your food and a place to live for your first year in Canada. Someone will welcome you at the airport and you will receive help to adjust to everyday life in Canada. Children will be able to go to school for free and everyone can get free health care. Depending on your needs, a group of Canadians may help you adapt to life in Canada. You will also receive help to learn English or French, the two main languages spoken in Canada, and help to find a job.
Q: Can I become a Canadian citizen?
A: Yes. You will become a permanent resident when you arrive in Canada. After three years in Canada, you may apply for Canadian citizenship.
Q: Do I need to pay money to travel to Canada?
A: The Canadian government will lend you money to pay for your own transportation to Canada and your medical examination. A loan means you will have to repay the total amount to the Government. You must start repaying the money in installments several months after you have arrived in Canada. You will have the chance to work in Canada to support yourself and your family.
Q: Can I come back to Nepal after I have been resettled? Can I go back to Bhutan someday?
A: The purpose of resettling to Canada is for you and your family to start a new life. Should you wish to travel to Nepal after you arrive in Canada, you can apply for a travel document. However, until you are a Canadian citizen, this document will not be recognized for travel to Bhutan. You may travel to Nepal or any other country if you get a visa from those countries. After three years in Canada, you can apply for Canadian citizenship and a Canadian passport.
Q: Is it cold in Canada?
A: This depends on the time of year. Most of Canada has four distinct seasons: spring, summer, autumn and winter. The temperatures and weather in each season can be different from one part of the country to another. Spring (March, April and May) is a rainy season in most parts of Canada, and the weather tends to be cool. In summer (June, July, and August), the weather is very warm in most parts of the country and daytime temperatures are normally above 20°C and can sometimes rise above 30°C. In the autumn (September, October, and November), the weather cools and it can also be very rainy. During the winter months (December, January and February), the temperature in most of the country usually stays below 0°C, day and night.
Temperatures in some parts of the country sometimes drop below -25°C, while along the West Coast, the temperature rarely drops below 0°C. In most of Canada, snow will be on the ground from mid-December to the middle of March. The higher in elevation and the farther north you go, the longer and colder winter becomes. During even the coldest months, however, buildings and houses are well heated, allowing people to live comfortably.
Q: Are there other refugees in Canada? Other Bhutanese?
A: Canada has a tradition of welcoming refugees to Canada. Refugees are permanent residents as soon as they arrive in Canada, and often become Canadian citizens, and live alongside other Canadians. There are Nepali speaking persons of Bhutanese, Nepali and Indian origin in many cities of Canada, but the communities are small. That is why Canada will be resettling 5,000 Bhutanese refugees — to make sure there is a Bhutanese community in the future.
Q: Can I practise my religion in Canada?
A: Yes. In Canada, one can practise one’s religion freely. Freedom of religion is one of Canada’s fundamental freedoms and is enshrined in its laws.

Bhutan: Australia

Bhutan country brief

Political overview

System of government

The Kingdom of Bhutan's first democratic elections were held in December 2007 for the National Council, Bhutan's upper house. This was followed by elections for the National Assembly, Bhutan's lower house, on 24 March 2008.
The move toward democracy began in 2000, when the Fourth King decreed that day-to-day affairs would be handled by a council of ministers. In December 2006, the King abdicated power to his eldest son, Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck (who was crowned Fifth King on 6 November 2008), ahead of the implementation of major political reforms. A 39- member Constitution Drafting Committee was appointed by the Fourth King to draft the country's first written Constitution. The Constitution was intended to transform the absolute monarchy into a democratic system.

The 24 March 2008 Elections

Mock elections were held in April-May 2007 to educate the public on democratic processes. Following eections for the National Council on 31 December 2007, elections for the National Assembly, the lower house which determines the government, were held on 24 March 2008. Two political parties, the People's Democratic Party and Druk Phuensum Tshogpa (Bhutan Harmony Party-DPT), contested the elections. Voters delivered a landslide victory to the DPT, which took 45 out of the 47 seats in the National Assembly.

Economic overview

The guiding principle of Bhutan's economic development is Gross National Happiness rather than increased Gross Domestic Product. The four pillars underlying GNH are good governance, inclusive development, conservation and preservation of Bhutan's unique culture.
Bhutan has a history of fiscal prudence and good governance, very little debt and is assisted by the nominal anchor provided by the currency peg to the Indian rupee. Bhutanese products enjoy free access to the large Indian market and India is Bhutan's main trade and development assistance partner.
Bhutan is likely to see significant revenue as new hydropower projects become operational. Steep mountains and swift flowing rivers make hydropower production a natural fit in Bhutan. Close ties between Bhutan and India have provided the necessary political will to bring such projects to fruition and also a market for Bhutan's power as India has a large energy deficit.
Bhutan's Tenth Five Year Plan (2008-2013), launched in February 2008, has a central focus of poverty reduction. The strategic priorities under this plan are:
  1. Encouraging industrial development;
  2. Promotion of balanced regional development;
  3. Integrated rural and urban development for poverty alleviation;
  4. Expanding strategic infrastructure;
  5. Investing in human capital; and
  6. Fostering good governance.
Bhutan's transition to democracy and the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which Bhutan is on track to meet, underpin the Tenth Five Year Plan. The Plan aims for an economic growth rate of eight to nine per cent per year throughout the plan. In order to achieve this, it targets an agricultural growth rate of over four per cent and a non-agricultural growth rate of over ten per cent. This growth should allow Bhutan to reduce the overall poverty rate to below 15 per cent, including a rural poverty rate of less than 20 per cent. Other important social targets include:
  1. achieving an 80 per cent national literacy rate;
  2. lowering the infant mortality rate of 20 per 1000;
  3. increasing the average life expectancy to over 70;
  4. providing access to safe drinking water and sanitation by 95 and 96 per cent of the population respectively;
  5. providing electricity to 84 per cent of the rural population; and
  6. achieving a 15 per cent penetration rate for telecommunications across all districts.
The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report (2009) ranks Bhutan 132 out of 182 countries in terms of the human development index (HDI) (which measures countries' relative standing in terms of life expectancy, educational attainment and adjusted real income Bhutan faces the challenge of matching gains from strong economic growth (6-8 per cent per annum since the mid 1980s) to rising expectations of expanding employment opportunities and welfare improvements, while preserving its environment and culture. Changed community expectations as a result of the introduction of television and the internet add to the challenge. Providing employment opportunities for an expanding and increasingly urban and educated labour force will not be easy.

Bilateral relationship

Australia and Bhutan have traditionally enjoyed warm and friendly relations, going back many years before the two countries established formal diplomatic relations on 14 September 2002. Mr Peter Varghese AO is currently Ambassador to Bhutan (accredited from New Delhi).
Australia's then Parliamentary Secretary for International Development Assistance Mr Bob McMullan visited Bhutan in April 2010 to meet representatives of Bhutan's Government and represent Australia as an observer at the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) Summit. Mr McMullan met King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck and members of Bhutan's Government including Prime Minister Lyonpo Jigme Y. Thinley during his visit. Mr McMullan reiterated Australia's commitment to continue to support Bhutan as it consolidates democracy and works to achieve the MDGs. Mr McMullan also launched Australia's $1 million assistance program for earthquake recovery to be delivered through UNICEF (further details below).
A Bhutanese Parliamentary delegation visited Australia in 2009 and met Australian parliamentarians and members of the Australian Bhutanese community. Representatives of the Australian Parliament visited Bhutan in 2010.
The then Foreign Minister of Bhutan, and now Prime Minister, Lyonpo Jigme Y. Thinley, visited Australia from 1 to 6 June 2003, accompanied by then Foreign Secretary and now Foreign Minister Ms Catherine Harris AO PSM, who is based in Sydney, is the Honorary Consul for Bhutan in Australia. Bhutan's Ambassador in Bangkok is accredited to Australia.
In September 2008, Mr Tim Fischer was appointed as Australia's Special Envoy to Bhutan. Mr Fischer has a long-standing personal association with Bhutan and has visited on several occasions. He co-authored a book about Bhutan entitled “Bold Bhutan Beckons” which was published in 2009.
An Australia-Bhutan Friendship Association (ABFA) was launched on 3 March 2003 in Thimphu to promote information exchanges and networking between the people of the two countries.

Bilateral Aid Program

Australia has a long standing bilateral aid program in Bhutan, which was first established under the Colombo Plan. A large number of Bhutanese officials have received education or training in Australia. Over the past few years new areas of bilateral cooperation have developed including agricultural research, training for police officers, electoral assistance, assistance to Bhutan's vocational education sector and forestry planning.
Australia will provide an estimated $5.3 million in total aid flows to Bhutan in 2010-11. Most of this assistance will be in the form of Australian Development Scholarships. For further information refer to the website of AusAID.
Australia has supported the World Food Program School Feeding Program in Bhutan since 2001. This program has been successful in improving school attendance and providing children with valuable nutrients.
In 2010 Australia provided Bhutan with $1 million to assist with reconstruction efforts following a major earthquake in September 2009. The money has been distributed through UNICEF and used to rebuild and improve water and sanitation facilities in schools in the affected district.
The Australian Centre for International Agricultural Research (ACIAR) has been working with Bhutan to improve mandarin production (Bhutan's largest horticultural export). The project is being implemented in collaboration with the New South Wales Department of Primary Industries and focuses on the production of disease-free planting material, pest and disease control and best-practice production techniques.
Updated October 2010

BHUTAN: In US Records

February 2, 2010Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs

Background Note: Bhutan




Official Name: Kingdom of Bhutan







PROFILE

Geography
Area: 46,500 sq. km.
Cities: Capital--Thimphu (pop. approx. 55,000) Other significant cities--Paro, Phoentsholing, Punakha, Bumthong.
Terrain: Mountainous, from the Himalayas to lower-lying foothills and some savannah.
Climate: Alpine to temperate to subtropical with monsoon season from June to September.

People
Nationality: Noun and adjective--Bhutanese.
Population: Approximately 672,425 (according to the 2005 census). Domestic and international estimates of the population vary greatly.
Annual population growth rate (2007 est.): 2.082%. Density--45 per sq. km.
Ethnic groups: Drukpa 50% (which is also inclusive of Sharchops), as well as ethnic Nepalese (Lhotsampas) 35%, and indigenous or migrant tribes 15%.
Religions: Lamaistic Buddhist 75% (state religion), Indian- and Nepalese-influenced Hinduism 25%.
Languages: Dzongkha (official language), Bumthang-kha, English (medium of instruction), Sharchop-kha, Nepali.
Education: Years compulsory--11. Literacy--59.5% (Ministry of Education General Statistics 2007). Primary school net enrollment rate 82.1% (UNDP). Women's literacy--59.5% (2007).
Health: Infant mortality rate (2007 est.)--total: 96.37 deaths/1,000 live births; male: 94.09 deaths/1,000 live births; female: 98.77 deaths/1,000 live births. Life expectancy --total population 67 years; male 69.1 years; female 59.5 years (Ministry of Education General Statistics 2007).
Work force (2005): Agriculture--94%; industry--1%; services--5%. The unemployment rate is 3.1% (2005 est.).

Government
Type: Constitutional monarchy.
Constitution: The Royal Government, prompted by the King, initiated a draft constitution in 2003, which was published in 2005. On July 18, 2008, the parliament formally adopted the constitution, marking the final step in Bhutan's historic transition from absolute monarchy to parliamentary democracy.
Branches: Executive--prime minister, cabinet. Legislative--parliament (National Council and National Assembly). The king appoints five members of the National Council and the remaining members are elected. Elections for the National Council (upper house) took place in December 2007. The 47-member National Assembly (lower house) was elected in March 2008. Judicial--High Court (Thrimkhang Gogma), District Courts, and local area arbitration.
National Day: December 17 (1907).
Administrative subdivisions (dzongkhags): 20.
Political parties: Two. Druk Phuensum Tshogpa (DPT) and People's Democratic Party (PDP).
Suffrage: Registered resident with legitimate citizenship, age 18 and above.

Economy
GDP (purchasing power parity 2007 est.): U.S. $3.359 billion.
Real growth rate (2007): 8.5%.
Per capita GDP PPP (2007 est.): U.S. $5,200.
Natural resources: hydroelectricity, timber, limestone, clay, and slate.
Sectors as percent of GDP (all figures, 2006-2007): Agriculture--22.3%; industry--37.9%; services--39.8%.
Trade: Principal exports (2006-2007)--electricity 26.5%, recorded media 16.8%, palm oil 7.4%, copper wire 6.2%. Principal imports (2006-2007)--diesel fuel 7.9%, copper wires 7.3%, crude palm oil 5.5%, petrol 3.1%. Major trade partners--India, Hong Kong, Japan, Germany, Singapore, and Thailand.

PEOPLE
The people of Bhutan can be divided into three broad ethnic categories--Ngalops, Sharchops, and Lhotsampas. The Ngalops make up the majority of the population, living mostly in the western and central areas. The Ngalops are thought to be of Tibetan origin, arriving in Bhutan during the 8th and 9th centuries A.D. and bringing Buddhism with them. Most Ngalops follow the Drukpa Kagyupa discipline of Mahayana Buddhism. In a country that is deeply rooted within the Buddhist religion, many people's sect of religion, as opposed to their ethnic group, characterizes them. The Ngalops predominate in the government, and the civil service and their cultural norms have been declared by the monarchy to be the standard for all citizens.

The Sharchops, who live in the eastern section of Bhutan, are considered to be descendants of the earliest major group to inhabit Bhutan. Most follow the Ningmapa discipline of Mahayana Buddhism. Sharchop is translated as "people of the east." The Ngalops, Sharchops, and the indigenous tribal people are collectively known as Drukpas and account for about 65% of the population. The national language is Dzongkha, but English is the language of instruction in schools and an official working language for the government.

The Lhotsampas are people of Nepali descent, currently making up 35% of the population. They came to Bhutan in the 19th and 20th centuries, mostly settling in the southern foothills to work as farmers. They speak a variety of Nepali dialects and are predominantly Hindu.

HISTORY
Bhutan's early history is steeped in mythology and remains obscure. It may have been inhabited as early as 2000 B.C., but not much was known until the introduction of Tibetan Buddhism in the 9th century A.D. when turmoil in Tibet forced many monks to flee to Bhutan. In the 12th century A.D., the Drukpa Kagyupa school was established and remains the dominant form of Buddhism in Bhutan today. The country's political history is intimately tied to its religious history and the relations among the various monastic schools and monasteries.

The consolidation of Bhutan occurred in 1616 when Ngawana Namgyal, a lama from Tibet, defeated three Tibetan invasions, subjugated rival religious schools, codified an intricate and comprehensive system of law, and established himself as ruler (shabdrung) over a system of ecclesiastical and civil administrators. After his death, infighting and civil war eroded the power of the shabdrung for the next 200 years when in 1885, Ugyen Wangchuck was able to consolidate power and cultivated closer ties with the British in India.

In 1907, Ugyen Wangchuck was elected as the hereditary ruler of Bhutan, crowned on December 17, 1907, and installed as the head of state Druk Gyalpo (Dragon King). In 1910, King Ugyen and the British signed the Treaty of Punakha which provided that British India would not interfere in the internal affairs of Bhutan if the country accepted external advice in its external relations. When Ugyen Wangchuck died in 1926, his son Jigme Wangchuck became the next ruler, and when India gained independence in 1947, the new Indian Government recognized Bhutan as an independent country. In 1949, India and Bhutan signed the Treaty of Peace and Friendship, which provided that India would not interfere in Bhutan's internal affairs but would be guided by India in its foreign policy. Succeeded in 1952 by his son Jigme Dorji Wangchuck, Bhutan began to slowly emerge from its isolation and began a program of planned development. Bhutan became a member of the United Nations in 1971, and during his tenure the National Assembly was established and a new code of law, as well as the Royal Bhutanese Army and the High Court.

In 1972, Jigme Singye Wangchuck ascended the throne at age 16. He emphasized modern education, decentralization of governance, the development of hydroelectricity and tourism and improvements in rural developments. He was perhaps best known internationally for his overarching development philosophy of "Gross National Happiness." It recognizes that there are many dimensions to development and that economic goals alone are not sufficient. Satisfied with Bhutan's transitioning democratization process, he abdicated in December 2006 rather than wait until the promulgation of the new constitution in 2008. His son, Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck, became King upon his abdication.

GOVERNMENT AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS
Traditionally a decentralized theocracy and, since 1907, a monarchy, Bhutan completed its successful transition to a constitutional monarchy in 2008. Bhutanese officials began preparations for the first-ever elections in 2006, shortly before King Jigme Singye Wangchuck abdicated in December 2006. The National Council of the new bicameral parliament was elected in December 2007, and National Assembly elections followed in March 2008. The Druk Phuensum Tshogpa (DPT) won 44 out of 47 seats in the latter election in which 80% of the 320,000 registered voters cast a ballot.

Migration by Nepalis into southern Bhutan began in the early 19th century. Currently these and other ethnic Nepalis, referred to as Lhotsampas, comprise 35% of Bhutan's population. In 1988, the government census led to the branding of many ethnic Nepalis as illegal immigrants. Local Lhotshampa leaders responded with anti-government rallies demanding citizenship and attacks against government institutions. Between 1988-1993, thousands of ethnic Nepalis fled to refugee camps in Nepal alleging ethnic and political repression. As of January 20, 2010, 85,544 refugees resided in seven camps. Bhutan and Nepal have been working for over seven years to resolve the refugee problem and repatriate certain refugees living in Nepal. The resettlement of Bhutanese refugees from the camps in Nepal to the U.S., Australia, and New Zealand is proceeding, with over 26,000 refugees repatriated to third countries (over 23,000 are now settled in the U.S.). The transition to democracy may improve the situation: of its 47 candidates, the DPT fielded nine Nepali speakers. Officials from both the DPT and PDP have said that resolving the grievances of ethnic Nepalis is a priority.

The spiritual head of Bhutan, the Je Khempo--the only person besides the king who wears the saffron scarf, an honor denoting his authority over all religious institutions--is nominated by monastic leaders and appointed by the king. The Monk Body is involved in advising the government on many levels.

Bhutan is divided into 20 districts or dzongkhags, each headed by a district officer (dzongda) who must be elected. Larger dzongkhags are further divided into subdistricts called dungkhags. A group of villages are grouped to form a constituency called gewog, administered by a locally elected leader entitled a gup. There are 201 elected gups. In 2002, the National Assembly created a new structure for local governance at the geog level. Each local area is responsible for creating and implementing its own development plan, in coordination with the district.

Principal Government Officials
Head of State--King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck
Prime Minister--Jigme Y. Thinley
Minister of Foreign Affairs--Ugyen Tshering
Minister for Economic Affairs--Khandu Wangchuk
Minister for Trade and Industry--Lyonpo Yeshey Zimba
Minister for Home and Cultural Affairs--Minjur Dorji
Minister for Finance--Wangdi Norbu
Minister for Education--Thakur Singh Powdyel
Minister for Health--Zangley Dukpa
Minister for Labor and Human Resources--Dorji Wangdi
Minister for Works and Human Settlements--Yeshey Zimba
Minister for Information and Communications--Nandalal Rai
Minister for Agriculture--Pema Gyamtsho
Ambassador to the United Nations Headquarters--Lyonpo Daw Penjo

The United States and the Kingdom of Bhutan have not established formal diplomatic relations; however, the two governments have warm informal relations.

Bhutan maintains a Permanent Mission to the United Nations in New York. The address is 763 First Avenue, New York, NY 10017; tel: 212-682-2268, fax: 212-661-0551.

ECONOMY
The economy, one of the world's smallest and least developed, is based on hydroelectricity, tourism, agriculture, and forestry. Rugged terrain makes it difficult to develop roads and other infrastructure. Despite this constraint, hydroelectricity and construction continue to be the two major industries of growth for the country. As these two economic sectors contribute to increased productivity, Bhutan's development prospects are positive. The Tala hydroelectric project, completed March 2007, has bolstered government revenue and exports, and will continue to do so for the next several years. In late 2009, Bhutan signed four memoranda of understanding (MOUs) with India to prepare four additional hydroelectric projects in Bhutan.

The Bhutanese Government expects the tourism sector to expand as well; however, restrictions on visitor numbers and minimum per-day spending requirements will impede rapid growth.

Bhutan's tenth five-year plan (2008-2013) focuses on ways to manage the country's new-found wealth with special emphasis on three development areas: rural, regional, and private-sector. India has pledged to support the plan and promised to double the amount of aid given to Bhutan in the previous five-year plan. The parliament had not yet finalized the tenth five-year plan as of October 2008; it intended to do so during the next session later in 2008.

Bhutan's economy has been on an upturn due to recent subregional economic cooperation efforts. Already this plan has strengthened the current trade relations with India, as well as opened an avenue of trade with Bangladesh. In May 2003, the Bilateral Free Trade Agreement between Bangladesh and Bhutan was re-signed. Bangladesh is Bhutan's second largest trade partner, after India. In January 2004, as a member of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), Bhutan also joined the South Asian Free Trade Agreement (SAFTA); Bhutan will host the SAARC summit in Thimphu in April 2010. In February 2004 Bhutan joined the Bangladesh, Indian, Myanmar, Singapore, and Thailand Economic Cooperation Forum (BIMSTEC). Bhutan has applied for membership in the World Trade Organization and is in the process of developing clear legal and regulatory systems designed to promote business development

FOREIGN RELATIONS

India
India is Bhutan's largest trade and development partner, providing significant amounts of foreign aid and investment. Traditionally, the 1949 Treaty of Peace and Friendship governed relations between the countries. In February 2007, India and Bhutan signed a new treaty removing the clause that India will "guide" Bhutan's foreign policy and allowing Bhutan to purchase military equipment from other countries. However, bilateral ties remain close, demonstrated by Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's May 2008 visit to Thimpu during which he addressed the newly elected parliament. Prime Minister Jigme Thinley returned the gesture when he made his first official trip abroad as prime minister to New Delhi in July 2008; King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck also visited India in December 2009.

In recent years, insurgents on the Indian side of the border from the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) and the Bodos have used Bhutan as a safe haven. In December 2003, Bhutan military troops expelled Indian insurgents from Assam. Through this joint effort with India, Bhutan strengthened border security and continued cooperation with the Indian military.

China
Bhutan and China do not have diplomatic relations, although they have engaged in 19 rounds of high-level talks regarding a border dispute over three Chinese-built roads which the Bhutanese Government alleges encroach on its territory. Although the current official trade between the countries is minimal, the Chinese Government announced that trade had increased by 3,000% from 2006 to 2007.

Nepal
Bhutan and Nepal established diplomatic relations in 1983 and are still negotiating a solution to a protracted refugee situation, in which over 85,000 refugees reside in seven UNHCR camps in Nepal. Most of the refugees claim Bhutanese citizenship, while Bhutan alleges that they are non-nationals or "voluntary emigrants," who forfeited their citizenship rights. In 2003, a joint Bhutan-Nepal verification team categorized refugees from one camp into four groups, but progress remains stalled. Out of these refugee camps have arisen several insurgent groups, such as the Bhutan Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist), the Bhutan Tiger Force, and the United Revolutionary Front of Bhutan. Bhutanese security forces blamed these groups for a series of bombings targeting the country in the lead-up to the 2008 parliamentary elections.

United Nations
Bhutan became a member of the United Nations in 1971. Bhutan does not have diplomatic relations with any of the permanent members of the UN Security Council. Bhutan was elected to the UN Commission on Human Rights in 2003 and served until 2006.

Other Countries
Bhutan enjoys diplomatic relations with seven European nations, which form The "Friends of Bhutan" group, together with Japan. These countries are Switzerland, Denmark, Sweden, Norway, the Netherlands, Finland, and Austria. Also known as donor nations, they contribute generously to Bhutanese development and social programs. Bhutan also has diplomatic relations with South Korea, Canada, Australia, Kuwait, Thailand, Bahrain, Bangladesh, the Maldives, Sri Lanka, and Pakistan.

DEFENSE
Bhutan has 8,000 members in five military branches: the Royal Bhutan Army, Royal Bodyguard, National Militia, Royal Bhutan Police, and Forest Guards. In FY 2002, the Bhutanese Government spent 1.9% of its GDP on the military or U.S. $9.3 million. India maintains a permanent military training presence in Bhutan through IMTRAT, the Indian Military Training Team.

U.S.-BHUTAN RELATIONS
The U.S. Embassy in New Delhi, India, has consular responsibilities for Bhutan, but U.S. citizens also may request assistance from U.S. Embassies in Kathmandu, Nepal, or Dhaka, Bangladesh. The United States and Bhutan do not have diplomatic relations, and the United States does not give foreign assistance to Bhutan. Informal contact is maintained through the U.S. Embassy and the Bhutanese Embassy in New Delhi. Bhutan does participate in a regional program for South Asia sponsored by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) that helps countries develop their power infrastructure (SARI-E). A few Bhutanese military officers have attended courses at the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies. The U.S. Government annually brings several Bhutanese participants to United States through its International Visitors and Fulbright Programs.

Principal U.S. Officials (U.S. Embassy, India)
Ambassador--Timothy J. Roemer
Deputy Chief of Mission--Steven White
Public Affairs--Michael Pelletier
Political Affairs--Uzra Zeya
Economic and Scientific Affairs--Blair Hall
Commercial Affairs--Carmine D'Aloisio
Agricultural Affairs--Holly Higgins
Management Affairs--Gerri O'Brien
Consular Affairs--James Herman
USAID Mission, Director--Erin Soto

TRAVEL AND BUSINESS INFORMATION
Travel Alerts, Travel Warnings, Trip Registration
The U.S. Department of State's Consular Information Program advises Americans traveling and residing abroad through Country Specific Information, Travel Alerts, and Travel Warnings. Country Specific Information exists for all countries and includes information on entry and exit requirements, currency regulations, health conditions, safety and security, crime, political disturbances, and the addresses of the U.S. embassies and consulates abroad. Travel Alerts are issued to disseminate information quickly about terrorist threats and other relatively short-term conditions overseas that pose significant risks to the security of American travelers. Travel Warnings are issued when the State Department recommends that Americans avoid travel to a certain country because the situation is dangerous or unstable.
For the latest security information, Americans living and traveling abroad should regularly monitor the Department's Bureau of Consular Affairs Internet web site at http://travel.state.gov, where current Worldwide Caution, Travel Alerts, and Travel Warnings can be found. The travel.state.gov website also includes information about passports, tips for planning a safe trip abroad and more. More travel-related information also is available at http://www.usa.gov/Citizen/Topics/Travel/International.shtml.
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Passports
The National Passport Information Center (NPIC) is the U.S. Department of State's single, centralized public contact center for U.S. passport information. Telephone: 1-877-4-USA-PPT (1-877-487-2778); TDD/TTY: 1-888-874-7793. Passport information is available 24 hours, 7 days a week. You may speak with a representative Monday-Friday, 8 a.m. to 10 p.m., Eastern Time, excluding federal holidays.
Health Information
Travelers can check the latest health information with the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in Atlanta, Georgia. A hotline at 800-CDC-INFO (800-232-4636) and a web site at http://wwwn.cdc.gov/travel/default.aspx give the most recent health advisories, immunization recommendations or requirements, and advice on food and drinking water safety for regions and countries. The CDC publication "Health Information for International Travel" can be found at http://wwwn.cdc.gov/travel/contentYellowBook.aspx.
More Electronic Information
Department of State Web Site. Available on the Internet at http://www.state.gov, the Department of State web site provides timely, global access to official U.S. foreign policy information, including more Background Notes, the Department's daily press briefings along with the directory of key officers of Foreign Service posts and more. The Overseas Security Advisory Council (OSAC) provides security information and regional news that impact U.S. companies working abroad through its website http://www.osac.gov
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In addition, a mobile version of the Department's http://www.state.gov website is available at http://m.state.gov, or use the QR code below. Included on this site are Top Stories, remarks and speeches by Secretary Clinton, Daily Press Briefings, Country Information, and more.
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