IPM-Modi in Bhutan

Narendra Modi visits Bhutan, a grand welcome on red carpet

On his first foreign visit since taking over, Prime Minister Narendra Modi arrived here on Sunday to cement India’s ‘unique and special relationship’ with Bhutan and his thrust to make the ties more effective. A grand welcome was accorded to him by the Bhutanese government which rolled out a red carpet and gave a ceremonial guard of honour to him.

Modi, accompanied by External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj, NSA Ajit Doval and Foreign Secretary Sujatha Singh, was received at the Paro airport by Bhutanese Prime Minister Tshering Tobgay and several of his Cabinet colleagues. The Prime Minister drove down from Paro to Thimphu, a distance of about 50 kms, traversing through the picturesque mountainous ranges.

Common people, including children, in colourful attire lined up most of the road between Paro and Thimphu, waving Indian and Bhutanese flags. Big hoardings carrying Modi’s photographs also could be seen en route. Soon after his arrival, Modi called on Bhutan’s King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuk.

“I am looking forward to my first-ever visit to Bhutan and to nurturing and further strengthening India’s special relations with Bhutan,” said Modi before undertaking the trip at the invitation of Bhutan’s King and the Prime Minister.

“Our relations with Bhutan are unique and especially warm. Our historical and cultural linkages make us natural friends and partners,” Foreign Secretary Singh told a press conference in Delhi.

“Bhutan is one of our most important strategic partners. It is a very good country to show our policy of good neighbourliness in South Asia and special token of our friendship,” she said explaining why Bhutan was chosen as the first foreign destination of Modi.

Modi will hold talks with Prime Minister Tobgay during his visit which will see the two sides exploring ways to boost their ties, particularly in trade and hydro-electricity.

He will also address the joint session of the Parliament of Bhutan. He will also inaugurate one of India’s assistance projects – the building of the Supreme Court of Bhutan.

Agency

BHUTAN FIRST STOP FOR MODI

The External Affairs Ministry has confirmed that among several invitations from world leaders inviting Narendra Modi, Bhutan will the first foreign trip after taking the oath as the Prime Minister of India.
USA President Barack Obama also invited personally Modi to visit USA to develop some relations with Modi. Obama personally congratulated & called on Modi post the Lok Sabha elections. Its revealed that Modi will be visiting USA sometime in September.

Although USA, President office has proposed a date of September 30 & Indian Ministry is looking to make it on September 26 which collides with for the United Nations General Assembly.

A VIDEO

India's Modi to visit U.S. in September, first trip to Bhutan

NEW DELHI Fri Jun 6, 2014 8:24am EDT

India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi (C) walks to speak with the media as he arrives to attend his first Parliament session in New Delhi June 4, 2014.

(Reuters) - Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi will visit the United States, most likely in September, but his first foreign trip will be a lot closer to home - to the tiny Himalayan state of Bhutan.
Modi, who invited South Asian leaders to his swearing in on May 26, has sought to convert his landslide election victory last month into a platform to pursue a more assertive foreign policy and promote trade and investment.

But, rather than Washington, Beijing or Tokyo, the 63-year-old premier will first visit Bhutan - a landlocked kingdom sandwiched between India and Chinese Tibet that has a population of less than 1 million.

"The prime minister's inbox relating to foreign policy is very crowded," foreign ministry spokesman Syed Akbaruddin told a briefing on Friday. "India's foreign policy priorities are in the neighborhood."

Modi hopes to be able to take up U.S. President Barack Obama's invitation, extended on the day of his election victory last month, to visit Washington in September.

"We are now in contact with the U.S. to work out what would be a mutually convenient date for both of us," said Akbaruddin, confirming earlier reports.

A visit to Japan could come in July. Modi is close friends with Shinzo Abe, and is one of just three people followed by the Japanese prime minister on Twitter.

On the multilateral front, Modi will take in the summit of BRICS emerging economies being hosted by Brazil after the soccer World Cup in July.

He will go to the U.N. General Assembly in New York in September, followed by summits of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, the Group of 20 and South Asian states.
(Reporting by Sruthi Gottipati; Writing by Douglas Busvine)

Modi leaves for Bhutan on first foreign visit as PM

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File photo shows the Parliament building, background, and the office of the king at Thimpu, Bhutan. Prime Minister Narendra Modi began his two-day visit to Bhutan on Sunday, where he will meet King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuk and address a joint session of Parliament.

He is accompanied by External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj, National Security Adviser Ajit Doval and Foreign Secretary Sujatha Singh.


Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Sunday embarked on a visit to Bhutan, his first foreign destination since he took over, with a focus on making development cooperation with the neighbouring country “more effective”.


Ahead of his visit, Mr. Modi said Bhutan was a “natural choice” as his first foreign destination because of the “unique and special relationship”.


He is accompanied by External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj, National Security Adviser Ajit Doval and Foreign Secretary Sujatha Singh.


He will meet Bhutan's King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuk and Prime Minister Tshering Tobgay during his two-day visit which will see the two sides exploring ways to boost their ties, particularly in trade and hydro-electricity.


Mr. Modi will also address the joint session of the Parliament of Bhutan. He will also inaugurate one of India's assistance projects — the building of the Supreme Court of Bhutan.


The fact that the Prime Minister chose Bhutan as his first foreign destination assumes significance since China has lately intensified efforts to woo it and establish full-fledged diplomatic ties with Thimphu.


In his pre-departure statement, Mr. Modi said relations with Bhutan will be a key foreign policy priority of his government.


“I am looking forward to my first-ever visit to Bhutan and to nurturing and further strengthening India's special relations with Bhutan," said Mr. Modi before undertaking the two-day trip at the invitation of Bhutan's King and the Prime Minister.


"Our relations with Bhutan are unique and especially warm. Our historical and cultural linkages make us natural friends and partners," the Foreign Secretary told a press conference here while giving details about the visit.


"Bhutan is one of our most important strategic partners... It is a very good country to show our policy of good neighbourliness in South Asia and special token of our friendship," she said explaining why Bhutan was chosen as the first foreign destination of Modi.


Mr. Modi said, "Bhutan and India share a very special relationship that has stood the test of time."


He said Bhutan's peaceful and smooth transition to a democratic constitutional monarchy has been a success story. "Its orderly conduct of elections is testimony to the consolidation of its democracy, in accordance with the wise vision of their Majesties."


The Prime Minister said, "The government of India has been a privileged and leading partner of Bhutan in its socio-economic development. "We rejoice in Bhutan's remarkable economic growth and its progress and prosperity. We are committed to continuing our unstinted support to Bhutan in its development efforts", Mr. Modi said in the statement.


He said hydropower cooperation with Bhutan "is a classic example of win-win cooperation and a model for the entire region".


During the visit, he will lay the foundation stone of the 600 MW Kholongchu hydropower project. "People-to-people contact is an important aspect of our bilateral relations. I intend to discuss with the Bhutanese leadership how to further strengthen these contacts between our countries, particularly among the youth. In this regard, the role of educational links will be very important," he said.


Keywords: Modi Bhutan visit, India-Bhutan ties, Kholongchu hydropower project

Narendra Modi thanks guardian deities, Kings for Bhutan visit success

PTI Jun 17, 2014, 05.00PM IST

(Modi, who chose Bhutan as…)

NEW DELHI: Happy over his successful Bhutan visit, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has thanked the "blessings of our guardian deities, leadership of our Kings, good fortune of our people" for it.

"Visit a success: All thanks to the blessings of our Guardian Deities; leadership of our Kings; good fortune of our People," Modi tweeted.

Modi, who chose Bhutan as his first foreign destination since taking over last month, received a rousing welcome in that country with the Monarchy and the government going out of the way to display their special gestures.

He was received at the Paro airport by Prime Minister Tshering Tobgay and his Council of Ministers and was accorded ceremonial guard of honour at the airport and also at the Royal Palace on the first day of the visit on Sunday.

Tobgay and his Council of Ministers went to the airport, about 50 kms from Thimphu, to see him off as well, yesterday.

Both while coming and leaving, Modi was given a special welcome en route from Paro to Thimphu, with common people, including children, lining up the road waving flags of India and Bhutan.

While leaving, Modi stopped at two places to interact with common people and children.

"My inner voice said I should visit Bhutan first," the Prime Minister said yesterday while explaining why he had chosen Bhutan as his first foreign destination.

"After such a big mandate, there is usually a temptation to visit some big powerful nation so that there is praise all over. But my inner voice said that I should visit Bhutan first," he said while addressing the joint session ofBhutanese Parliament.

"There was no plan. It was a simple step. Had I not visited Bhutan first, my conscience would have questioned me why I did not do so," he added.


Later, on his return yesterday, he tweeted, "Back to Delhi. This Bhutan trip will remain etched in my memory. It was a very satisfying & productive visit".

Narendra Modi's Bhutan visit demonstrates his 'pragmatism': Report

PTI Jun 17, 2014, 05.26PM IST

BEIJING: Prime Minister Narendra Modi's choice of Bhutanas his first foreign destination demonstrates his "pragmatism" to develop ties with neighbours and should not be exaggerated with "China factors", an article in a state-run daily here said today.


"Modi's trip to Bhutan should not be exaggerated and added with too many China factors," an article in the Global Times said.


"Bhutan hasn't established diplomatic relations with many countries, such as China or the US," it said, referring to former Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao's attempt to sound Bhutan to open diplomatic relations during his meeting with his then counterpart Jigmi Thinley in 2011 at an international forum.

"Thinley also expressed a willingness to settle border issues with China in a cooperative manner. This has caused quite a stir in India which sees China as its arch rival in its neighbourhood," the article said.

"India's concern about China, if there is any, may be that it wants to see if there is any correlation between China's attitudes in solving border disputes with India and Bhutan," it said.

"Modi has made Japan his second stop. Given his choice of Bhutan as first foreign trip and Japan as the second, it is fair to say pragmatism dominates his agenda," considering that his focus is on economic development, the article said.

The biggest difference between Modi's election manifesto and that of the Congress party was that Modi focuses on economic growth and vows to learn business mode from foreign countries, it said.

In the past, the target of India's "Look East" policy was ASEAN, and now it has shifted to Japan which can provide with investment and technology, it added.

Japan's nationalist Prime Minister Shinzo Abe also has plans to woo India. Some even view Modi as India's Abe. And these two countries have no historical disputes, the article noted.

In the future, India may play a bigger role in regional frameworks such as the BRICS, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia, the article said.
"All in all, that Modi puts neighborhood politics on a more positive trajectory, and his balancing act among major regional players reaffirms his reputation for pragmatism," it said.

Narendra Modi re-tweets Bhutan PM Tshering Tobgay's thanks to 'guardian deities, Kings' for success of his visit


PTI Jun 17, 2014, 05.38PM IST






NEW DELHI: Happy over Prime Minister Narendra Modi's successful visit, Bhutan Prime Minister Tshering Tobgay has thanked the "blessings of our guardian deities, leadership of our Kings, good fortune of our people" for it.

"PM@narendramodi visit a success: All thanks to the blessings of our Guardian Deities; leadership of our Kings; good fortune of our People," Tobgay tweeted, which was re-tweeted by Modi.
Modi, who chose Bhutan as his first foreign destination since taking over last month, received a rousing welcome in that country with the Monarchy and the government going out of way to display their special gestures.

He was received at the Paro airport by and his Council of Ministers and was accorded ceremonial guard of honour at the airport as well as the Royal Palace on the first day of the visit on Sunday.
Tobgay and his Council of Ministers went to the airport, about 50 kms from Thimphu, to see him off as well, yesterday.

Both while coming and leaving, Modi was given a special welcome en route from Paro to Thimphu, with common people, including children, lining up the road waving flags of India and Bhutan.

While leaving, Modi stopped at two places to interact with common people and children.

"My inner voice said I should visit Bhutan first," the Prime Minister said yesterday while explaining why he had chosen Bhutan as his first foreign destination.

"After such a big mandate, there is usually a temptation to visit some big powerful nation so that there is praise all over. But my inner voice said that I should visit Bhutan first," he said while addressing the joint session of Bhutanese Parliament.

"There was no plan. It was a simple step. Had I not visited Bhutan first, my conscience would have questioned me why I did not do so," he added.

Later, on his return yesterday, he tweeted, "Back to Delhi. This Bhutan trip will remain etched in my memory. It was a very satisfying & productive visit".


Lessons from Bhutan for PM Modi
Importing valuable lessons on governance and public policy from Bhutan


Nikhil Inamdar | Mumbai

June 18, 2014 Last Updated at 09:45 IST





It isn't difficult to imagine why Prime Minister Narendra Modisays his Bhutan visit will remain 'etched' in his memory for long. Its strategic geo-political significance aside, the Himalayan kingdom, dotted with ancient monasteries, robed monks and fluttering flags flying across pristine mountain ranges bares out the impression of an idyllic way of life that has enticed travelers, campaigners and politicians alike. Bhutan in some sense also dispells the preeminence of the global consensus on resource driven laissez faire development that the rest of the world has taken for granted.

Its most successful export - the concept of the Gross National Happiness has now become part of global conversation on replacing existing measures of economic prosperity and wellbeing. And its peaceful transition from absolute monarchy to thriving democracy has lent further credibility to the country's firm resolution to chart its own exclusive course of 'progress' while selectively embracing modernity, becoming in the way the envy of a region wracked with political turmoil.

Good governance, sustainable socio-economic development, cultural preservation, and environmental conservation are the 4 pillars on which the idea of the GNH rests. Bhutanese Prime Minister Tshering Tobgay warned last year about not letting the positive stereotyping of it distract attention from Bhutan's pressing problems of low standards of living, burgeoning unemployment and corruption. But for the Modi government which has hit the ground running to reinvigorate India's moribund economy, there are lessons to be imported from the development model that this tiny kingdom nestled between two of Asia's biggest superpowers subscribes to.

For all the problems that Tobgay elucidates, Bhutan has seen considerable success in improving its social indicators, doubling life expectancy and enrolling near 100% of its children in primary schools in the last 20 years, according to press reports. Hydropower is the backbone of Bhutan's industrial ambitions and the approximately 1500 MW its 4 stations generate contribute to a fifth of the nation'sGDP currently. Bhutan has a declared aim to increase this capacity to 10,000MW by 2020 for export to India, which has ecologists worried about the environmental risks associated with such ambitions. But the country's “run of the river” projects are still far less damaging than the big hydroelectric dams being built elsewhere including in India's North-Eastern belt.

Environmental protection is a constitutional pledge in Bhutan and the country has vowed to keep at least 60% of its land under forest cover, helping it largely transcend the usual conflicts between development and environmental protection that have plagued the India growth story. Similarly in areas of education (through the Green Schools for Green Bhutan program) and tourism, which is carefully regulated to generate low volume, high value visits, Bhutan has used the tenets of the GNH to effectively shape policy.

There is much India can learn and embrace from this Bhutanese project. It is undoubtedly a difficult paradigm to follow given our size, complexity and also the vastly different aspirations of the youth in this country, who would perhaps dismiss such goals as deluded and impracticable for a modern industrializing economy with ambitions to become a global superpower. But for the newly elected PM, facing intense pressure from industry and global investors to deliver GDP growth at any cost, Bhutan's inclusive approach provides a valuable framework for keeping social, human, environmental and economic rationales at the forefront of public policy, than merely chasing a captivating GDP number come what may.
In times of crisis, the latter can be a very tempting proposition. But for the larger goal of sustainable growth, and importantly to avoid the inevitable tensions and injustices that arise when new models of development fuel ground level resistance movements, such as in India's mineral rich tribal belts, governments must feel obligated to utilizing this multilateral model to gauge the impacts of its policy actions on society.
In Modi's own state of Gujarat the decision last week to raise the height of the Narmada Dam by 17 meters has had activists up in arms. 2.5 lakh people residing in the submergence area are likely to be affected by the decision. More such instances of dissidence must be expected in the days to come as fast track clearances for infrastructure and mining projects in ecologically and demographically sensitive areas are doled out.
An explicit assertion thus by the government, of its intent to keep the interests of all stakeholders in mind even as it undertakes grand growth spurring initiatives is the absolute need of the hour. Modi could do well to publicize a new holistic approach by making 2-3 big pronouncements - the acceptance of the recommendations of the Madhav Gadgil Panel on the Western Ghats, or a relook at the over 150 hydel power plants coming up in the North-Eastern part of the country for instance - to drive a new paradigm for inclusive growth.
If a tiny mountain kingdom can think up big ideas for a sustainable future, there is no reason why a visionary leader in the world's largest democracy, elected with a thumping majority mustn't.

Is India worried about China's influence in South Asia? Modi's first foreign trip suggests so

India's new PM made a surpise visit to Bhutan this week



According to India’s newly elected Prime Minister, it was a “natural choice”. But at least a few observers were surprised Narendra Modi’s first official foreign visit would be to the Himalayan kingdom of Bhutan.

"The relationship between India and Bhutan is historic. The new government is committed to making this even stronger,” Mr Modi told the Bhutanese parliament in Thimpu on Monday. “If you walk a few steps, we too feel like walking those steps and supporting you.”

From all reports Mr Modi’s visit went down a storm. His hosts overlooked a slip in his speech when he initially referred to Bhutan as Nepal, and schoolchildren lined up to see him. Parliamentarians even overlooked a cultural disinclination to clap and gave him a round of applause. (Clapping is traditionally done to ward off evil, rather than to display appreciation.)

“I think Modi’s visit represents just how close the relationship is,” said Neelam Deo, a former Indian diplomat who is currently director of the Indian Council on Global Relations.

Mr Modi signed off on deals over hydroelectricity generation and food exports, and he inaugurated the new premises of Bhutan’s Supreme Court, built with Indian help. He met with the royal family, said to be close to the Congress party, now sitting in India’s opposition benches.
The visit also presented an opportunity to further cement links to a strategically located country some believe could be open to influence of neighbouring China.

India has long had close links to Bhutan, which only had its first road build in 1962, obtained the television in 1999 and made the transition from absolute monarchy in 2008.
The relationship has got stronger since China invaded Tibet in 1959. An Indian military training camp has been established there since the early 1960s and the country provides around $780m in aid. Yet there have been fears among some in Delhi that Bhutan remains open to slipping under the influence of China.

As The Hindu newspaper reported this week, while Bhutan and China have no formal diplomatic relations, in 2012 Bhutan's Prime Minister at the time met the then Chinese Premier on the sidelines of a UN summit in Brazil. The Bhutanese leader told his Chinese counterpart that he wished to forge official ties. India sat up and took note.


When I visited Bhutan a couple of years ago, there appeared to be substantial evidence of Indian influence and almost no evidence of China’s hand. A Thimpu-based observer confirmed to me that this had not changed.


“I think India’s concern is highly over-stated. There is no Chinese influence in Bhutan as such,” said the person, who asked not to be named. “I think the threat of China as a major player is irrational on the part of India.”

In pictures: India elections 2014

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Although it is not just in Bhutan that India feels Chinese influence in South Asia.

When it looks eastwards to Burma it sees China’s strong presence, when it gazes south towards Sri Lanka it sees a growing relationship that has led to China building ports and to the west it is all too aware of China close ties with Pakistan. Indeed, China has been increasing its interaction with countries across the region, including India.

Bhutan is all too aware of this and is disinclined to do anything what would sorely upset India.

As if to underscore this, a day after Mr Modi’s visit concluded, Bhutan’s Prime Minister, Tshering Tobgay, told India’s NDTV news channel there was no plan for a Chinese mission any time soon. “We don’t even have any diplomatic relations. How can there be an embassy without diplomatic relations?”


Assam party slams Modi over Bhutan power project


IANS | Guwahati June 17, 2014 Last Updated at 19:58 IST

Assam's regional party Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) Tuesday slammed Prime Minister Narendra Modi for the launch of a hydro power project in Bhutan, saying it will endanger the lives and property of people in certain districts of Assam. Modi, during his trip to Bhutan, laid the foundation stone of the 600 MW Kholongchu hydro-electric project, a joint venture between India and Bhutan.AGP general secretary Durgadas Bodo said Modi had spoken against big dams during his election campaign in Assam."However, in less than a month after coming to power, the prime minister laid the foundation stone of such a huge power project in Bhutan that will endanger the lives of people in certain districts of Assam," Bodo said.He said the dam of the 60 MW Kurichu hydel project in Bhutan had caused devastating floods in five districts of Assam in 2004 and 2007."One can imagine what kind of devastation will be caused in Assam after the 600 MW project happens," he said.He said the move "shows that the BJP-led government at the centre and the former Congress-led government does not have much difference in their attitude towards Assam and the northeast," he added.The All Assam Students' Union (AASU) has also demanded a white paper from the union government on the Bhutanese hydel power project.


Modi thanks guardian deities, Kings for Bhutan visit success

Last Updated: Tuesday, June 17, 2014, 17:36


New Delhi: Happy over his successful Bhutan visit, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has thanked the "blessings of our guardian deities, leadership of our Kings, good fortune of our people" for it.

"Visit a success: All thanks to the blessings of our Guardian Deities; leadership of our Kings; good fortune of our People," Modi tweeted.

Modi, who chose Bhutan as his first foreign destination since taking over last month, received a rousing welcome in that country with the Monarchy and the government going out of the way to display their special gestures.

He was received at the Paro airport by Prime Minister Tshering Tobgay and his Council of Ministers and was accorded ceremonial guard of honour at the airport and also at the Royal Palace on the first day of the visit on Sunday.

Tobgay and his Council of Ministers went to the airport, about 50 kms from Thimphu, to see him off as well, yesterday.

Both while coming and leaving, Modi was given a special welcome en route from Paro to Thimphu, with common people, including children, lining up the road waving flags of India and Bhutan.

While leaving, Modi stopped at two places to interact with common people and children.
"My inner voice said I should visit Bhutan first," the Prime Minister said yesterday while explaining why he had chosen Bhutan as his first foreign destination.

"After such a big mandate, there is usually a temptation to visit some big powerful nation so that there is praise all over. But my inner voice said that I should visit Bhutan first," he said while addressing the joint session of Bhutanese Parliament.

There was no plan. It was a simple step. Had I not visited Bhutan first, my conscience would have questioned me why I did not do so," he added.


Later, on his return yesterday, he tweeted, "Back to Delhi. This Bhutan trip will remain etched in my memory. It was a very satisfying & productive visit".

PTI

Bhutan’s proposed 600 Megawatt Kholongchu Hydropower Project raising concern in Assam


LINK HERE

(Repeating after rephrasing headline and intro and correcting

Press Trust of India | New Delhi
June 17, 2014 Last Updated at 18:02 IST

Happy over Prime Minister Narendra Modi's successful visit, Bhutan Prime Minister Tshering Tobgay has thanked the "blessings of our guardian deities, leadership of our Kings, good fortune of our people" for it.

"PM@narendramodi visit a success: All thanks to the blessings of our Guardian Deities; leadership of our Kings; good fortune of our People," Tobgay tweeted, which was re-tweeted by Modi.

Modi, who chose Bhutan as his first foreign destination since taking over last month, received a rousing welcome in that country with the Monarchy and the government going out of way to display their special gestures.
He was received at the Paro airport by and his Council of Ministers and was accorded ceremonial guard of honour at the airport as well as the Royal Palace on the first day of the visit on Sunday.
Tobgay and his Council of Ministers went to the airport, about 50 kms from Thimphu, to see him off as well, yesterday.
Both while coming and leaving, Modi was given a special welcome en route from Paro to Thimphu, with common people, including children, lining up the road waving flags of India and Bhutan.
While leaving, Modi stopped at two places to interact with common people and children.
"My inner voice said I should visit Bhutan first," the Prime Minister said yesterday while explaining why he had chosen Bhutan as his first foreign destination.

After such a big mandate, there is usually a temptation to visit some big powerful nation so that there is praise all over. But my inner voice said that I should visit Bhutan first," he said while addressing the joint session of Bhutanese Parliament.
"There was no plan. It was a simple step. Had I not visited Bhutan first, my conscience would have questioned me why I did not do so," he added.

Later, on his return yesterday, he tweeted, "Back to Delhi. This Bhutan trip will remain etched in my memory. It was a very satisfying & productive visit".



Narendra Modi at the lunch hosted by the King of Bhutan, His Majesty Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck, in Thimphu, Bhutan.




Narendra Modi while returning to India from Bhutan, with Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck.




Narendra Modi at the lunch hosted by the King of Bhutan, His Majesty Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck.




Narendra Modi meeting the officials, before his departure from Bhutan.




Narendra Modi waving to children who lined up waving flags to wish him goodbye along the road to the airport, in Bhutan before returning to India.






Narendra Modi blessing a Bhutanese girl child, who presented a bouquet, before his departure from Bhutan, in Thimphu.




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Narendra Modi waving to the dignitaries, on his departure from Bhutan to Delh


PM Modi’s visit to Bhutan extremely satisfying: Sushma Swaraj


Posted by News Desk on June 16, 2014 in National, News, Sourced, Wired · 0 Comments


Thimphu, (Bhutan) June 16 (ANI): External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj on Monday termed Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Bhutan as extremely successful and satisfying.


“India selected Bhutan because it is one of our important neighbours, and certainly the friendliest country. This visit has been extremely successful and satisfying. It has reinforced and further strengthened relations between India and Bhutan. In spite of being a very short visit, the Prime Minister could interact with the legislator, judiciary and executive, all the three wings of democracy,” said Swaraj at a press conference here today.


Apart from addressing members of both the houses of parliament and inaugurating the building of the Supreme Court of Bhutan, the Prime Minister had very good interactions with the country’s present and past monarchs,” she added.


Appreciating the welcome received by the Prime Minister, she said that “We are deeply touched by the friendly gestures, the monarchy’s leadership and the people of Bhutan. We are told that K5 Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck personally supervised all the arrangements. The Bhutan Prime Minister went out of his way, and he personally received our Prime Minister at the airport, and the children and ordinary people from Paro to Thimphu came with traditional offerings of fruits and flowers.”


Talking about the commitments made by the previous government on the eleventh five-year-plan, Swaraj said Modi had said that “such commitments are not made by government to government, but by country to country. So, India will definitely fulfill all its commitments to Bhutan.”


She said: “The hydro projects under progress in Bhutan will definitely gain speed in our governance, because the Prime Minister believes in speed.”


Swaraj said that Modi’s vision is that as both the countries start with the letter B, so Bharat should be for Bhutan and Bhutan should be for Bharat, because the security concerns and development visions of both the countries are same.


She ended saying, “When Modi says that a strong and prosperous India is in favor of SAARC countries, similarly, having a prosperous and stable government in the neighbourhood is in favor of India, and this is our vision.” (ANI)

Modi's Bhutan visit demonstrates his "pragmatism": article
Press Trust of India | Beijing

June 17, 2014 Last Updated at 16:56 IST

Prime Minister Narendra Modi's choice of Bhutan as his first foreign destination demonstrates his "pragmatism" to develop ties with neighbours and should not be exaggerated with "China factors", an article in a state-run daily here said today.


"Modi's trip to Bhutan should not be exaggerated and added with too many China factors," an article in the Global Times said.

"Bhutan hasn't established diplomatic relations with many countries, such as China or the US," it said, referring to former Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao's attempt to sound Bhutan to open diplomatic relations during his meeting with his then counterpart Jigmi Thinley in 2011 at an international forum.

"Thinley also expressed a willingness to settle border issues with China in a cooperative manner. This has caused quite a stir in India which sees China as its arch rival in its neighbourhood," the article said.

"India's concern about China, if there is any, may be that it wants to see if there is any correlation between China's attitudes in solving border disputes with India and Bhutan," it said.

"Modi has made Japan his second stop. Given his choice of Bhutan as first foreign trip and Japan as the second, it is fair to say pragmatism dominates his agenda," considering that his focus is on economic development, the article said.
The biggest difference between Modi's election manifesto and that of the Congress party was that Modi focuses on economic growth and vows to learn business mode from foreign countries, it said.

In the past, the target of India's "Look East" policy was ASEAN, and now it has shifted to Japan which can provide with investment and technology, it added.
Japan's nationalist Prime Minister Shinzo Abe also has plans to woo India. Some even view Modi as India's Abe. And these two countries have no historical disputes, the article noted.

In the future, India may play a bigger role in regional frameworks such as the BRICS, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia, the article said.

"All in all, that Modi puts neighborhood politics on a more positive trajectory, and his balancing act among major regional players reaffirms his reputation for pragmatism," it said.

Modi gives primacy to Hindi in Bhutan

Mon, Jun 16 2014 15:21 IST | 2 Views | Add your comment

Thimphu, June 16





Indian leaders conversing with foreign dignitaries have generally spoken in English and also addressed international gatherings in English, the country's official language ever since its independence from British colonial rule in 1947. But Prime Minister Narendra Modi has broken the custom and is increasingly resorting to Hindi, the national language and one that is spoken by the majority of the population in this polyglot nation, during talks with foreign leaders and in his official addresses. In his maiden foreign trip after assuming office in New Delhi less than a month back, Modi spoke all through in Hindi. Modi gave two public speeches during his two-day official visit to this quaint nation that takes a lot of pride in its culture, language and way of life. On Sunday, he spoke at the banquet hosted by Bhutan Prime Minister Tshering Tobgay. An address to the joint session of parliament followed Monday. On both the occasions, Modi - just like he did during his election rallies - spoke extempore, with some talking points and the drafted speech which he did not consult kept on the table or lectern before him. Both the speeches, which the Bhutanese leaders heard through interpreters, were well received. In fact, veering away from their age-old custom of not clapping in congratulatory gestures, the gathering at the National Assembly – the lower house of parliament which was the stage for Modi's address Monday – broke into spontaneous applause after the Indian prime minister's rousing speech.

Indian media: Modi's Bhutan visit


Mr Modi (centre) met Bhutan's King Jigme Kesar Wangchuk (left) and Queen Jetsun Pema on Sunday


Media in India feel Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bhutan visit shows his government's policy of asserting influence in South Asia.


Mr Modi on Sunday met Bhutanese King Jigme Kesar Wangchuk and Prime Minister Tshering Tobgay in Thimpu on his first foreign trip as PM.


"Right from day one, the Narendra Modi government has made clear the importance it attaches to relations with neighbouring countries. Mr Modi's swearing-in ceremony that saw leaders of all Saarc (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation) nations attending exemplified this point," The Times of India says.


"In this regard, Mr Modi's two-day visit to Bhutan - his first official foreign trip since assuming office - underscores his administration's commitment to India's neighbours," the paper adds.


Mr Modi addressed a joint session of Bhutanese parliament on Monday, stressing his government's desire to further boost Delhi-Thimphu ties.


Some sections of the media are also hoping that Mr Modi's visit will counter China's efforts to have greater influence in Bhutan.


The Hindustan Times notes that Mr Modi's overtures to Bhutan "assume significance since China has lately intensified efforts to woo it and establish full-fledged diplomatic ties with Thimphu".


"The Buddhist nation, wedged between India and China, is the closest India has to an ally in South Asia, a region of bristling rivalry where China is making inroads," the paper added.


Mr Modi's visit comes ahead of another round of scheduled bilateral talks between China and Bhutan, reports say.

Road rage


Moving on to domestic stories, in a tragic case of road rage, a traffic policeman was allegedly run over by a 26-year-old in Delhi following a heated argument,The Times of India reports.


The quarrel occurred when the policeman stopped the man for driving on the wrong side of the road, the paper says.


When asked to take a different route "the accused reversed his car and ran over the constable", the paper adds.


And finally, India has urged its citizens to avoid travelling to Iraq due to escalating violence in the Middle Eastern country, the Mint website reports.


"In view of the precarious security situation prevailing in Iraq, Indian nationals are advised to avoid all travel to Iraq," the paper quotes the external affairs ministry as saying.


The Indian embassy in Baghdad has also set up a 24-hour helpline to assist its citizens living in the country, the paper adds.


Sunni rebels led by ISIS (the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant) have taken control of key cities of Mosul and Tikrit.


BBC Monitoring reports and analyses news from TV, radio, web and print media around the world. For more reports from BBC Monitoring, click here. You can follow BBC Monitoring on Twitter and Facebook.


China says ‘happy to see’ Modi’s Bhutan visit

ANANTH KRISHNAN





PTIPrime Minister Narendra Modi addressing the National Assembly in Thimphu, Bhutan on Monday.


As Prime Minister Narendra Modi visits Bhutan, China on Monday rejected suggestions of any competition with India for strategic space in the neighbourhood, affirming that it was both “happy” with Mr. Modi’s visit and “full of confidence” over the future of relations with India.


Asked about perceptions among some analysts that Mr. Modi’s decision to make Bhutan his first overseas visit may have been prompted in some measure by Beijing’s recent overtures to Thimphu – with which it does not yet have formal diplomatic relations – Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Hua Chunying told reporters here that China was “happy to see the development of friendly, cooperative, mutually beneficial relations between our other neighbours”.


She added, “China pays high attention to developing relations with India. With consistent efforts from both sides, relations have scored substantive progress in recent years. Our strategic cooperative partnership for peace and development is advancing steadily”.


China and Bhutan do not have formal diplomatic relations, although both sides regularly exchange political, trade and cultural delegations.


The two countries have also been engaged in talks to settle their disputed border, holding more than 19 rounds of negotiations.


While India has had traditionally close historical relations with Bhutan, that Beijing and Thimphu were willing to take ties to a higher level was made evident in June 2012 when former Bhutan Prime Minister Jigmi Thinley, who ended his term in July last year, held a first ever meeting with then Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao, on the sidelines of a United Nations conference in Brazil.


Mr. Thinley then told Mr. Wen that his government “wishes to forge formal diplomatic ties with China as soon as possible” – a declaration that generated much interest in India at the time – while the Chinese leader said Beijing was willing to settle the boundary dispute “at an early date” and step up cooperation in all fields.


Ms. Hua, the Foreign Ministry spokesperson, said, “We have not established diplomatic relations but our two countries maintain friendly exchanges and visits”.


“We respect the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Bhutan and are willing to further develop good neighbourly relations with Bhutan based on the five principles of peaceful coexistence,” she said.


Some analysts in Beijing have the view that India has sought to block Bhutan from establishing diplomatic ties with China.


A commentary in the Communist Party-run tabloid Global Times, known for its hard-line views, last year accused India of influencing domestic elections in Bhutan and treating the country "like a protectorate" by withdrawing petroleum subsidies. The move was seen by some in Thimphu as a response to its warming ties with Beijing, although New Delhi rejected those suggestions.


"The withdrawal of subsidies before Bhutan’s elections reflected that India never gives up its power politics where it doesn’t need to,” the commentary said, describing “Indian influence on Bhutan’s elections” as “a tragedy for Thimphu”.


Ms. Hua, the Foreign Ministry spokesperson, on Monday downplayed suggestions of strategic competition with India, reiterating that Beijing was looking forward to deepening ties with the new government in New Delhi under Prime Minister Modi.


China has been keen to quickly establish contact with the Modi government. Mr. Modi’s electoral victory has been seen by many analysts in Beijing and by Chinese industry representatives as providing a platform to deepen economic ties, with Gujarat emerging as a popular destination for Chinese investment during Mr. Modi’s tenure as Chief Minister. Mr. Modi has visited China four times.


President Xi Jinping asked Foreign Minister Wang Yi to visit New Delhi on June 8 – one of the first senior officials from outside South Asia to visit India following the election – as his “special envoy” to underline his intent of building closer ties. Mr. Xi will visit India later this year.


Both sides had “agreed to maintain momentum of high-level visits and press ahead with the development of China India strategic cooperative partnership” following Mr. Wang's visit, Ms. Hua said.


“Generally speaking,” she added, we are full of confidence in the further development of China-India relations in the future”.


Keywords: China, India, Bhutan, Narendra Modi, Bilateral relations, Border dispute, Competitive diplomacy

A footnote to the first chapter in the history of modern education in Bhutan

A footnote to the first chapter in the history of modern education in Bhutan

First batch of Bhutanese student with Raja Tobgyal in Kalimpong (1914) Photo courtesy: Dr Tandi Dorji

Anagarika Dharmapala, founder of the Maha Bodhi Society, may have played an influential role

Education: In 1914, a group of 46 Bhutanese boys left for Kalimpong, India to study. They were the first batch of Bhutanese students to study modern education, enrolled in Dr Graham’s Homes.

Among them was Babu Tashi, father of Supreme Court chief justice, Lyonpo Sonam Tobgye. Exactly 150 years later on January 18, Lyonpo Sonam Tobgye joined the Maha Bodhi Society in Kolkata to celebrate the 150th birth anniversary of Anagarika Dharmapala.

Other notable students were Babu Gongloo, father of the former chief operation officer of the royal Bhutan army, goongloen Lam Dorji, and the first veterinary doctor Karchung and Dr Phenchung.

In the same year, Bhutan’s first school was also opened in Haa, with teachers from the Church of Scotland mission. There were around 28 students.

Anagarika Dharmapala, who founded the Maha Bodhi Society in 1891, was not happy with Bhutan sending its students to Darjeeling and Kalimpong to study in “Christian schools”. He strongly objected and cautioned Bhutan for sending Bhutanese students to the “wrong school” and wrote thus to the Raja Ugyen. The handwritten letter was addressed to one Sherpa to be submitted to Raja Ugyen.

46 Bemapur Lane, Calcutta, dated November 19, 1914

I learn that about 20 Bhutanese boys have been brought to Darjeeling to be taught English, and that they have been entrusted to the missionaries. That is bad news. Why could not the Bhutan Raj open a school in their own state and teach the youths English. When a Buddhist who is ignorant of Buddhism is put into a Christian boarding school the way of the youth undergo change. He imbibes the habits of the Christians and becomes indifferent to his own religion. The tender mind is very susceptible. What is heard daily is taken as truth and the mind goes wrong. Therefore, our Lord Buddha condemned with emphasis false faiths that with a creator, a savior, and demise the law of karma. Look at the Japanese how they brogues, they open schools and get English and Russian male and female teachers to come over to Japan and the Japanese are taught English…”

What is needed is technical and industrial education. Japan rose from her obscurity because her youths were taught how to manufacture articles which are imported into Japan. A few Bhutanese students should be sent to Japan; also a few students to learn in technical institutes. A country that has no industries remains, poor. I am very anxious about the Bhutan boys. In Ceylon our 200,000 Buddhist boys attending non-Buddhist schools are lost forever. They become Christians after they leave school or become very bad morally. The education of the rising generation should be on national lines. Christian missionaries are not the kind of teachers that Buddhist pupils should have. Submit please to Raja Ugyen on the very important subject…”

The letter from the founder could be one reason why another school was established in Bumthang in the following year, 1915, said Chief Justice Sonam Tobgye, who maintained his late father’s diary.

First batch of students in Bumthang (1915) Photo courtesy: Dr Tandi Dorji

There were 21 students, including the Crown Prince Jigme Wangchuck, and some children of the people serving in the king’s court. Babu Nagchung, who started Dzongkha Kuensel as an official news bulletin in 1965, was among 21 students to study English and Tibetan/Dzongkha in Bumthang.

However, Bhutanese students continued their studies at the Scottish mission school. In 1920, four students were sent to be trained as doctors, veterinary doctors and teachers in India.

The chief justice said Dharmapala is one of the illustrious sons of Sri Lanka, who made monumental contribution to the cause of Buddhism, the Buddhist revival and the nationalist awakening in Sri Lanka.

“He was a peerless missionary of Buddhism, who carried the message of the Buddha across the world,” he said.

Lyonpo Sonam Tobgye also said the Dharmapala presented Buddhism as consistent with science, especially the theory of evolution.

He was convinced that any movement for the emancipation of the people would have to go hand in hand with the revival of the national culture. He lamented furiously over the cultural, religious and national decline, and developed a firm determination to fight against the escalation of the foreign power in the country.

“Dharmapala’s enthusiasm and tireless efforts inspired many generations and his transcending vision and compassionate thought traversed to then unknown Bhutan,” the chief justice said.

Bhutan celebrated a yearlong sherig centenary (May 2, 2012-February 21, 2013), although Bhutan’s journey to modern education turns 100 years only this year.

By Rinzin Wangchuk

SOURCE

Grants tote up to Nu 71B for 11th Plan

Development partners and international donors released Nu 7.6B so far

Q-Hour:

The country will receive Nu 71B as grant from development partners and international organisations in the 11th Plan.

Of them all, India committed the highest amount of Nu 50B – Nu 28B under project tied grant, Nu 8.5B as grants for medium programs and another Nu 8.5B as small development grants, besides the economic stimulus plan of Nu 5B.

As of December 2013, Prime Minister Tshering Tobgay said of the committed Nu 50B, India had released Nu 5.9B.

“Of that Nu 850M was under program grant, Nu 169M for project-tied assistance and Nu 2.5B for economic stimulus plan,” he said. “India will soon release any amount for the small development programs.”

The prime minister was responding to opposition leader’s question on whether there was any downsizing of the 11th Plan.

Among three changes made to terms and conditions on availing grants from India in the 11th Plan, the country would contribute additional Nu 2.8B or 10 percent to project-tied assistance from Government of India that fund larger projects.

Lyonchhoen Tshering Tobgay said this would symbolise the projects being jointly undertaken by governments of the two countries.

“Bhutan’s 10 percent contribution would be used only at the end of the project to meet escalations in project costs,” he said.

The second change in the terms and conditions was increasing the budget ceiling for projects under the program grant from Nu 30M to Nu 50M.

“The government is still holding dialogues over what kind of projects to include in the program,” Lyonchhoen said. “The final change is to employ 200 graduates to complement proper implementation of Indian government funded projects.”

There was, Lyonchhoen said, however, no change in the terms and conditions with international organisations and development partners on receiving the grants or loans.

As of December 2013, Development partners and international financial institutions including Denmark, Switzerland, European Union, Global Environment Fund, ADB, World Bank, Austria and international organisations have released more than Nu 1.7B.

The commitment from international organisations and development partners increased from Nu 58B to Nu 66B following the round table meeting held in Thimphu.

The government has, until December last year, released more than Nu 5.8B for capital works of the total more than Nu 18B allotted for the Plan.

“More than Nu 2.5B received from Indian government has not been released as it has not yet received Parliament approval,” Lyonchhoen said.

The budget outlay of the Plan, as the Parliament approved in September 2013 stands at Nu 213B.

“We’re are assessing 44 business proposals that have been denied since the last three years and looking into how we can help them,” he said.

Before the question hour began, the Parliament observed a minute of silence in memory of the late Drabi Lopen Kinley Gyeltshen whose cremation was held at the same time as the joint sitting yesterday.

One question that was left unanswered came from South Thimphu Parliament member Yeshey Zimba, who raised the issue of people from northern borders encroaching into Bhutanese territory for cordycep collection.

By Tshering Palden

SOURCE

Bonchoe – The last yak to the slaughter

Chundu pow makes an offering

Haa’s guardian deity will be appeased without this ancient bloodletting rite

Ritual: It was a fine beast. The pair of even sharp horns almost look implanted on its head, its jet-black fur appears oiled as it runs down to its belly, almost touching the ground.

But with a coarse rope running through its nostrils and its head tied to the trunk of a big pine tree (lha-shing), the yak appears subdued. As if it knew its fate. It didn’t move an inch as curious people took its last photographs.

The yak draws attention as it is cleansed, and a few men push and pull it to a thicket next to the celebration ground. When the men return, they are carrying meat with blood their hands. Amidst the sound of singing and dancing, the yak was sacrificed to Ap Chundu, the protective deity of Haa.

The meat is taken straight to the kitchen next to the celebration ground. The Bonchoe ritual requires the yak to be cooked and served to the people attending the ritual, after the offering is made to the Ap Chundu. The cook, busy chopping the meat, said everything, including the innards, will be cooked and served.

Some, disturbed by the fresh meat carried to the kitchen, said they have brought their own lunches. “How can we eat meat of an animal that was standing in front of our eyes a while ago?” said a spectator. “I don’t like the practice.”

The nameless yak, however, will be the last yak to be sacrificed to Ap Chundu.

Doing away with the sacrifice was discussed a few times in the past but, as an age-old tradition, they didn’t dare test the wrath of Ap Chundu. This time, after consulting with the dzongkhag and gewog staff, and the family who carried out the tradition for years, they decided to seek Ap Chundu’s permission to stop killing yaks when appeasing him.

A decision was reached to roll the dice and see if the deity would approve the new idea. Monks conducted Ngoensel (prayers to appease Ap Chundu), and the Chundu pow (shaman) recited prayers, as Samar gup, Tshewang Tandin, who is also the dzongkhag tshogdu’s chairman, was asked to roll the dice.

“Ap Chundu gave us the consent,” said the gup after rolling the dice. “We can appease him without having to kill a yak every year during the Bonchoe.

The gup said that, although people didn’t like to see yaks killed, they never made an issue out of this, as it was a tradition practised for years. “Recently, some villagers shared their concern.”

Haa dzongkhag’s Sungkop, Pempa Tshering, said, as a Boenchoe (a type of bonism), the practice of offering fresh meat and blood was an integral tradition. “We tried stopping it once but, on the recommendation of the Chundu pow, we started it again,” Pempa Tshering said. “The pow then said discontinuing the practice would bring bad luck to the dzongkhag.”

Ha dzongda Sonam Wangdi said it was good that they could do away with the killing of animals. “But still, we have to ask for permission from the Je Khenpo,” he said. The dzongda explained that such kind of practices have existed in different parts of the country. “Except for Haa, rituals with animal sacrifice are out of vogue in many places,” he said.


The last yak

Meanwhile, Yangzom, 52, from Yangthang village said she was so relieved to hear the news. “It was hard to believe,” she said. Another villager, Penjor, 45, said there was no better celebrations than the stopping of yak sacrifices.

“Whenever I came to the Bonchoe, it was the yak tied on the lhashing that always disturbed me,” he said.

However, the Bonchoe will not go vegetarian. “We’ll buy meat and manage it,” the gup said.

By Nima Wangdi

Source: Kuenselonline

China’s massive infrastructure build up in Bhutan: Report

VIDEO

By Niticentral Staff on October 7, 2013

China is building up infrastructure in Bhutan which will enable People’s Liberation Army for massive military build up in this reason.

According to a Research and Analysis Wing report, China is constructing road from Gotsa to Lepola via Pamlung.

A part of Bhutan is already occupied by China and now the construction of road will give the Communist country to have an easy access to the Indian territory bordering with Bhutan.

Though the Government of India has not yet reacted to the report accessed by a private news channel, but it is crucial to see what stand the Government takes in dealing with the situation created by China which is getting audacious day by day and creating troubles for India in its eastern frontier region.

SOURCE

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Chinese incursions: Bhutan suffers alongside India

By Claude Arpi on October 14, 2013

The Indian press recently reported that China was building ‘a massive infrastructure in Bhutan’. A report of Research and Analysis Wing (RAW), intelligence agency, apparently warned that the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) had constructed a new road from Gotsa to Lepola via Pamlung.

While it is difficult to ascertain the details of the RAW report, it is an open secret that China has been very active on Bhutan borders. On August 9, Kuensel, a Bhutanese publication, reported that the National Security Advisor (NSA) Shivshankar Menon arrived in Thimbu to ‘congratulate’ the new Prime Minister Tshering Tobgay after the latter assumed office. Tobgay was indeed happy to host Menon in Bhutan; Delhi had just promised some 5,000 crore Rupees to assist the implementation of Bhutan’s 11th Plan and its Economic Stimulus Plan. However, oh surprise, Shivshankar Menon was accompanied by the new Indian Foreign Secretary, Sujatha Singh. Why this ‘double’ visit? The NSA does not usually travel with the Foreign Secretary. Indeed, there was more than the usual patting. It soon became clear that the NSA’s main purpose was to advise the Bhutanese Government on how to handle border talks with China.

The 21st round of boundary talks between Bhutan’s Foreign Minister, Rinzim Dorje and the Chinese vice minister in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was to be held a couple of weeks later. This made Delhi nervous. These border talks indeed have serious strategic implications for India’s security and Delhi’s own negotiations with China probably needed to be ‘synchronised’ with Thimpu. The New Indian Express asserted: “NSA spoke to his interlocutors about the current status of the India-China border talks. But, with the political leadership in Bhutan being brand-new, Menon took the opportunity of the Foreign Secretary’s visit to share Indian ‘experience’ and knowledge of Chinese negotiation tactics to advice Thimpu on the way forward.”

Delhi was particularly anxious after Thimbu had decided, during a previous round of talks with China, to have a joint technical field survey in one of the disputed areas in the central sector (eventually, the 21st China-Bhutan border talks held in Thimphu on August 22 agreed to conduct the joint survey of the 495 sqkm in the Pasamlung area, north of Bumthang). Another claim by China, the Doklam Plateau is adjacent to the hyper-strategic Chumbi Valley. That is the real nightmare for India.

It is a fact that China never liked India’s monopoly over Bhutan’s foreign affairs. Liu Zengyi, a research fellow at Shanghai Institute for International Studies wrote in The Global Times, “New Delhi sees Bhutan as little more than potential protectorate”. Referring to China’s attempts to establish diplomatic relations with Bhutan, the Chinese scholar admitted: “India won’t allow Bhutan to freely engage in diplomacy with China and solve the border issue.”

The Global Times’ article alleged that Indian ambassador to Bhutan VP Haran followed a ‘carrot-and-stick’ policy and ‘played a big role’ in the victory of the Opposition Peace and Democratic Party (PDP) over the Druk Phuensum Tshogpa (DPT). Beijing acknowledges that for India, China’s advances in the Doklam area is a strategic threat to the Siliguri corridor: “As a country located between China and India, Bhutan serves as a buffer and is of critical strategic importance to the Siliguri corridor, a narrow stretch of land (known as ‘chicken’s neck’) that connects India’s northeastern States to the rest of India. …Delhi worries that China will send troops to the corridor if a Indian-China military clash breaks out.”

It is indeed a serious issue for India. Even if India’s special influence over Bhutan is acknowledged by China, New Delhi needs to keep a tab on the China-Bhutanese negotiations, which could definitively impact the India-China talks. Though China and Bhutan do not have direct diplomatic relations, last year, Jigme Thinley, the then Bhutanese Prime Minister met Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao on the sidelines of a United Nations summit in Rio, establishing a first formal contact. Historically, during the 1962 India-China border war, Beijing was not too happy when the Bhutanese authorities permitted some Indian troops to retreat through southeastern Bhutan.

Though Bhutan formally has maintained a policy of neutrality, during the following years, Thimphu quietly expanded its economic ties with India. In the 1970s, several incidents of cross-border intrusions by Chinese soldiers as well as Tibetan herders were reported and when Thimphu and New Delhi protested against the incursions into Bhutan, Beijing ignored the Indian protest, responding to the Bhutanese complain only.

In 1996, China offered a package deal to Bhutan: Beijing was ready to renounce its claim over the 495 sq kms of disputed land in the Pasamlung and Jakarlung valleys in exchange for the Doklam Plateau, a smaller track of disputed land measuring a total of 269 sq. kms located in the Northwestern part of Haa District. The Doklam Plateau is extremely close to India’s ‘chicken neck’ area (The Chumbi Valley) and the Siliguri corridor connecting the Northeast to the rest of the country.

Since then, talks are going on.

In 1998, China signed a peace agreement with Bhutan to ‘maintain peace and tranquility’ on the Bhutan-China border. For the Bhutanese, it was a de facto recognition of their territorial integrity and independence. A Bhutanese blogger believes that for Bhutan, “This is clearly a case of being caught between a rock and a hard place.” It is clear that the claim on the Doklam Plateau is a second thought for China. In 1959, there was no discrepancy between the Chinese and Bhutanese maps (except for eastern Bhutan where Beijing did not recognise the McMahon Line). At that time, Beijing commented: “The strength of a horse is known by the distance travelled, and the heart of a man is seen with the passage of time, …China’s peaceful and friendly attitude toward India will stand the test of time.”

The ‘passage of time’ has shown that China was an unreliable horse, not only the PLA has intruded in several areas of India and Bhutan, but it has also built important infrastructure, such as the road from Yatung to Phari in the Chumbi Valley cutting across the Doklam Plateau. The Chinese engineers have also built traversal roads and set up a communication network within the disputed area. How to dislodge the Chinese is not an easy proposition.

By grabbing the Doklam Plateau, Beijing considerably enlarged the Chumbi Valley and its access to Sikkim and Siliguri; let us not forget that the Siliguri corridor is one of India’s most critical areas along the India-China border. Let us hope that Delhi will keep watching and preserve its vital interests.

SOURCE

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Waiting for the King

28 October 2013
By Aletta André
Bhutan recently held its second round of general elections. Is the government in Thimphu serious about extending full citizenship to the Lhotshampas who remain in the country?

‘A political party can’ enfranchise those who voted for it. Will the PDP?
flickr/ Akshay Davis

There had been a minor celebration that afternoon at Raj's house in central Thimphu, the capital of Bhutan. A few relatives had gathered to eat cake together – the remains on small plates were still visible in the kitchen when I joined them for dinner in the evening. The reason for their shared joy was a small, off-white card, resembling that issued by any bank. Only this one had the name and picture of Raj's uncle Vivek on it, and the essential letters CID: Citizenship Identity Card.

Vivek had been stateless for more than 20 years. As many other ethnic Nepalis in Bhutan, he says he lost his Bhutanese citizenship during the uprisings of the early 1990s. Two of his brothers and his parents were amongst the estimated 80,000 people who left the country at that time. They are in the US now, after having spent two decades in a camp in Nepal. For Vivek, missing his close relatives was just the beginning of his troubles. Soon after they fled he was registered by census officials as ‘F5’ (a non-national man married to a Bhutanese woman), and until now all attempts to revive his citizenship had been in vain.

As a result, Vivek had no access to any government job, his children had no access to higher education, the whole family needed a special road permit to travel through the country, he was denied a loan and he lost the right to his family's land and property in south Bhutan. Time lost cannot be regained, so the kitchen celebration was a bitter-sweet one – even more so because some of those present were still waiting for their luck to turn around. Like five-year old Anuj – Raj points him out: "He is my nephew, born stateless. Both his parents have a CID now, but he does not. We don’t know why.” Such cases highlight how arbitrary the nature of the granting of citizenship in Bhutan can be, with the power to do so still vested solely with the King.

Electoral promises
Change, or at least the promise of it, seemed to be in the air for Bhutan's stateless 'Lhotshampas' – southerners, as the ethnic Nepalis are often called, after the region where most are settled. Vivek's was not the only CID issued to them in the recent years in which Bhutan has developed as a democracy.

Fresh hope arose during the 2013 parliamentary elections – the second since the country made the transition from absolute to constitutional monarchy in 2008 – that were held in two rounds in May and July. Candidates of the country's former opposition, the People's Democratic Party (PDP) promised to resolve the 'census issue', as it is known in Bhutan, during their campaign in the southern districts, and these promises were widely covered in the national media. It was even said that some formerly stateless people received CIDs during the campaign, proving for some that the King had been involved behind the scenes in the run-up to the election. Others refuse to believe that the stories of newly acquired CIDs are true, and think they must have been made up by the party in order to win votes.

Indeed, whether the stories were true or not, the PDP pledged in its 2013 manifesto that 'solving the census issue will be prioritised' during the first 100 days in office. After more than 50 days in office, however, recently appointed Home Minister Damcho Dorji gave a rather conservative interpretation of how the issue should be solved. When asked how many people are deprived of citizenship cards in an interview with the national newspaper Kuensel on the 9th of September, Dorji sidestepped the question, replying “citizenship issues can be resolved only if we find a lasting solution to the problem of continuing illegal immigration into our country.” Dorji was not pressed to elaborate on the subject of stateless people already living in Bhutan, or if and how the census issue would indeed be prioritised by the government in Thimphu.

The issue was prominent enough to have featured in the election campaign of one party though (although no mention was found in the manifesto of the incumbent Druk Phuensum Tshogpa). While most Bhutanese claim that Lhotshampas with citizenship cards are not discriminated against and participate in all aspects of society, including politics, hardly anybody denies anymore that there is indeed a 'census issue'. The former Prime Minister has even mentioned it as one of the main issues facing the country. During a press conference in March this year, he said that granting citizenship to people who have the right to it was one of the two top priorities of the King, along with giving land to landless people. "One of the saddest situations to be is stateless. Where there are people whose status is yet to be determined is a sad thing,” he was quoted inKuensel.

The promises made during the campaign may well have influenced the election result in the southern constituencies, where the PDP won every seat. Ritu Raj Chhetri, who contested the elections on a PDP ticket and is now MP for the Sipsu constituency in south west Bhutan, says that the inclusion of the issue in his campaign “definitely” contributed to his victory. Chhetri, who won with more than 70 percent of the vote, also emphasises that only the King can grant citizenship, but says that it is possible for politicians to appeal to His Majesty on behalf of others. Though Chhetri says this was not done as part of the campaign, he promises to do so as an MP.

"People are looking to resolve this issue now, with an open mind," says Chhetri. He estimates that there are about 3000 to 4000 residents without citizenship in Sipsu, an area with 12,000 voters and about 23,000 inhabitants. In the whole of Bhutan, he thinks there might be 30,000 stateless people, but when asked about the figure of 80,000 quoted by the international organisation Human Rights Watch, he says this might also be correct. "I think that 30,000 is a conservative estimation."

There is no public government record of how many stateless people there are in Bhutan, let alone how many of them are Lhotshampas or how many would qualify for registration in the F1 or 'genuine citizenship' category. According to the CIA World Factbook, 35 percent, or just over 250,000 out of about 725,000 residents of Bhutan are ethnic Nepalis. Based on the last census in 2005, international organisations such as Human Rights Watch say there are about 80,000 stateless people amongst them.

At the time of the last census, which was conducted in 2005, there were 672,425 people counted, out of which 37,443 were considered 'floating population', consisting mainly of migrant workers. Of the 634,982 residents of Bhutan, 552,996 were citizens, according to information given during the 85th session of the National Assembly held in 2006 (a translation of which is available on the National Assembly's website). That means that almost 82,000 residents of Bhutan were non-nationals in 2005, and according to Human Rights Watch most of them are likely to have been people of Nepali ethnicity. There is no updated estimation, however, and the Bhutanese government has never commented on this number.

Chhetri calls it 'amazing' that the issue has not been solved after all these years, especially after a growth in inter-marriage between Lhotshampas and other ethnic groups due to a policy of resettlement which has brought people from all over Bhutan to the south of the country. "The issue has been cancerous," he says. "Initially it just affected the south, but now it is becoming a national issue."

The year 2013 has seen a big change, says journalist Rabi Dahal. Because politicians such as Chhetri discussed the census issue so clearly during their campaign, the media was able to write about it. That was not the case during Bhutan's first elections in 2008, says Dahal, who is himself from the Lhotshampa community.

"Everybody knows at least somebody without citizenship in Bhutan, but earlier we felt, me and other Nepali journalists, that it was still better not to write about it," Dahal explains, sitting in his office at the Bhutan Observer newspaper. "It was more of a taboo. But people are now aware of their democratic rights, that people who can vote can raise issues."

"It is with this in mind that people in the south casted their vote," says Pankaj, a Lhotshampa who voted in the central-southern district of Sarpang. He wants to meet only at a private place in the outskirts of Thimphu. And like Raj and Vivek, he is not willing to be quoted with his real name.

The 34-year-old has had citizenship and the right to vote for several years now, but he knows what it's like to be stateless in Bhutan, and what it’s like to suffer for being related to people who left during the 90s. He was still at school when six of his seven siblings left the country. Together with one of his elder brothers, who already had a government job at the time, he stayed because they were based in north Bhutan and therefore did not experience the unrest in the south that led to the mass emigration. But along with his relatives, Pankaj's documents also disappeared. In the following years he studied in India; ironically higher education in Bhutan is largely closed for those without a CID, while travel as far as India is still permitted.

After his return in 1999 Pankaj faced many problems – not only because his relatives were labeled anti-national for having allegedly taken part in demonstrations and having joined a refugee camp in Nepal, but more so because one of his brothers across the border chose not to remain silent about the events that led him there. Even after resettling in a third country he continues to write articles in local newspapers and letters to politicians, arguing that he was forced to leave Bhutan and wants the right to return. "I was registered as F1 [Bhutanese citizen], but still I was not issued a CID-card”, Pankaj remembers about his return to Bhutan. “The reason was my brother. The officials at the census office told me so themselves." For the same reason, Pankaj was not able to get a No Objection Certificate (NOC) either, which in Bhutan is necessary for higher studies or government employment.

He found a job in the private sector and in 2005 finally received his CID and NOC. When we meet he is wearing a gho, the traditional northern Bhutanese knee-length robe. The Royal Edict that made this the national dress and compulsory wear in and around government buildings and public gatherings in 1989 contributed to the escalation of the unrest in the early 90s when Lhotshampas were reportedly arrested for not wearing it, even in areas away from government buildings. Pankaj claims the gho is no longer a symbol of discrimination or a reminder of the conflict that caused his family to leave. "This is an opportunity to us. If I wear a gho I can show others that I am Bhutanese."

The past does still haunt him though. "Things have become more relaxed, and most people are not punished anymore for the fact that their family members left the country," Pankaj believes. But he is still worried, and refuses to specify the country where his brother lives, out of fear of being recognised. He understands what his brother is doing, but explains it would be better for everyone, including his parents who still live in the south of Bhutan, if his brother would keep a low profile. "It is hard, because he would love to come back. But I always request him to remain quiet, to just live his life and quit his attempts to bring his cause on the political agenda there, because we have to live here. In the eyes of others, he is involved in activities against the government here. They might come to me for inquiries, it might affect my status."

Waiting in the camps
'The people in the camps', as those who are internationally recognised as refugees are known in Bhutan, remain a subject of controversy. Many Bhutanese believe what the government has repeatedly told international government representatives: that they left Bhutan voluntarily and that no unnecessary violence was used by the Bhutanese government. Accounts from refugees dispute this fiercely however, and numerous international human rights organisations have documented claims that Lhotshampas were tortured, harassed and forcibly driven from their homes and land.

For some northern Bhutanese, especially young people, these stories provide uncomfortable glimpses of the darker side to the ‘one nation one people’ government policy. "The situation was not handled well by the Bhutanese government," says one friend over a beer in one of Thimphu's crowded bars. His whispering tone shows that the topic has not completely left the taboo sphere yet. "I think nobody here is proud of what happened at that time," he says.

Despite their refugee status, the Thimphu government has also repeatedly stated that most of the people who ended up in the camps in Nepal during the unrest of the 1990s were actually poor Indians and Nepalis looking to benefit from the facilities of the UNHCR-managed refugee camps, such as education, health care, housing and food. Many non-Lhotshampas believe the same, some including offers of resettlement in third countries to the perceived benefits that could have attracted non-genuine refugees to the camps. Those offers have, however, been almost twenty years coming, and there are still many who have rejected resettlement and continue to wait in Nepal for the chance to return home.

The government had initially promised to repatriate those refugees deemed to be ‘bonafide Bhutanese’ who were evicted forcefully from Bhutan, and to consider the citizenship applications of those who were found to be Bhutanese but voluntarily emigrated. A Joint Verification Team of Bhutanese and Nepalese ministers conducted a survey between 2001 and 2003, which placed almost 70 percent of the people in the camps in the second category, but it can be disputed how ‘voluntarily’ they left. As many refugees have reported, they were forced to sign migration papers, thereby losing their citizenship as per Bhutanese law. In any case, they now wanted to go back.

During the Maoist insurgency in Nepal, however, the Bhutan government played up reports of Maoist influence in the camps (how widespread support for the Maoists was among refugees is unknown) to stall the verification and repatriation process. The work in progress within Bhutan to develop democracy was mentioned as well in talks with third party countries. At the end of 2007, the King of Bhutan Jigme Wangchuck told an American diplomat that “it is prudent to wait for democratic elections to take place in both Bhutan and Nepal before taking on the repatriation issue.” By then, the United States had already agreed to resettle 60,000 refugees.

As reported by UNHCR in April 2013, almost 80,000 people from the camps in Nepal have now been resettled – the vast majority in the US, several thousand in Canada and Australia and some hundreds in New Zealand and a few European countries – while around 25,000 still remain in Nepalese camps (the total number of people had naturally grown to over 100,000 in the course of almost two decades before resettlement started). A month previously Kuensel quoted from the prime minister's State of the Nation report that "those who have been resettled in the eight countries send heart-warming reports of having found a new and dignified life of hope and confidence in the future."

"They are happy," says Siddharth, a government employee, about his parents and brothers in the US. I came to meet the tall, lean 50-something man in his office for an interview about a completely different topic, but once we sit down for tea afterwards he starts telling me about his family. He does so without caution and in the presence of his northern Bhutanese colleagues, who seem familiar with such stories. "We are friends," Siddharth explains, "we can discuss everything informally – just not formally", making clear he too prefers anonymity.

For his 80-year-old parents who hardly speak English, resettlement in the US is far from easy, but they are cared for by their other son and above all just happy to have left the camp in Nepal, says Siddharth, who regularly speaks to them via Skype. However, they have given up on ever returning to the country of their birth, and in Bhutan, Siddharth has become reconciled to the fact he will probably never see his parents again. Being registered as F5, a non-national man married to a Bhutanese woman, he has a green coloured card with the letters SRP (‘Special Residential Permit’), which allows him to continue his work, but not to travel any further than India. Even if he had a passport, the journey would be a financial challenge.

The same is true for his two brothers in the USA and their sister, who resettled in Denmark with her husband. Siddharth doubts whether they would want to live in Bhutan again, as they have just started new lives, where they may still be stateless but have jobs, a house of their own and the prospects of future citizenship. "We are all happy," he insists, smiling. "The only difficulty is to be separated as a family like this. My children have never met their uncles and grandparents. We can never visit each other, and talk only over the phone.”

Like Pankaj, Siddharth lived in the north of Bhutan at the time his family left, as he was based there for his government job. Siddharth has been lucky to have kept his job (many without a CID card have been fired from government posts since the 1990s), although he has yet to receive any of the usually standard career promotions. Having given up on obtaining a CID, Siddharth has focused on getting it for his two sons, who inherited his status. That meant that when they both passed out of high school with top marks and qualifications to study medicine or engineering on government grants, they had to watch others take their spots, which were reserved for 'genuine citizens' only.

This year in April, the two boys, now 21 and 24, appealed to the King and got their citizenship granted. They will graduate from Bhutanese engineering colleges. Once citizenship is granted, Siddharth says Lhotshampas get equal opportunities. Like Pankaj, he wears his gho when required, has friends from other ethnic groups and does not see much discrimination. "I only feel a bit sad that my sons never learned proper Nepali," he says.

Nepali was taken out from school curricula in south Bhutan in 1989 to promote the national language Dzongkha, but it is still widely spoken by Lhotshampas and other Bhutanese alike all over the country. It is the only language Siddharth's illiterate wife Meena understands, even though she was born in Bhutan and registered as a citizen. So their sons grew up speaking Nepali at home, but never learnt how to write it. While agreeing the country needs one national language, Siddharth believes Lhotshampas deserve to study their mother tongue and hopes the new political climate will eventually provide for that. "These days people are able to ask for citizenship. Maybe next elections they will be able to raise the language issue."

Whether the People’s Democratic Party will live up to its electoral promises of addressing the plight of those who remain ‘stateless’ in Bhutan, remains to be seen.

Back at Raj’s house, his brother-in-law Anand exhibits cautious optimism. It is one day before the last election round in July when we meet. Just a week before, Anand, who has a green SRP card like Siddharth and works for a private tour company, received a letter saying that he qualified for a CID and could expect more information within days. "I hope it's real, and not just for elections," he says. "I have tried for 20 years and never succeeded. Every time I have to go to my native village to pick up documents from the local administration and pay for a translator to write the application in Dzongkha – but I never hear back, so I keep retrying." Anand says this is his last attempt. "If I don't get my census registered this time, I will leave the country. Why would I stay?"

For many of those still languishing in the camps of eastern Nepal, resettlement is becoming a more and more attractive option. High level talks between Kathmandu and Thimphu failed to restart after their breakdown in 2003 and any hope of redress or repatriation for the Lhotshampas in the camps does not look forthcoming anytime soon.

The first session of the second Parliament of Bhutan concluded recently in Thimphu, with parliamentarians in the National Council and National Assembly debating the introduction of a Right to Information Bill, the preservation and restoration of religious artefacts and a taxation agreement between Bhutan and India. The ‘census issue’ remained absent from the official agenda.

With fresh hopes of citizenship and matching rights however, the impatience of many of the Lhotshampas is growing – and the question is now what a growing habituation to the promises of democracy and free media will do to their tolerance of any more disappointments in becoming fully-fledged citizens of Bhutan.

Anand has not lost hope yet. “I am still waiting eagerly to get the CID,” he writes to me two months after we met, and two months after he received the letter saying that he qualified for citizenship. “Why would I stay?” he had wondered at that time, believing he would not get his citizenship despite the promises of the letter. But when he had not heard anything two months later and was confronted with the next question, “Where would I go?” the only answer that came to mind was: “home”. His words reflect the sad patience of a man who has been waiting for 20 years and who, in the end, sees no other option than to just continue waiting.

~ Aletta André is a freelance print and radio journalist from the Netherlands. She has been living in and travelling around South Asia since 2008 and can be followed on Twitter @alettaandre or on alettaandre@wordpress.com.

~ This report was supported in part by the Postcode Loterij Fonds for journalists by Free Press Unlimited.

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