The Sorry Saga of Bhutan's North

The Sorry Saga of Bhutan's North
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Sunday, July 29, 2012

New political party to contest Bhutan's 2013 polls

It has chosen a name, written its charter and completed most of the paperwork needed for registration, but is waiting for a favourable day (zakar) to go public.
The Socialist Democratic Party getting ready to contest the 2013 general election in Bhutan has an ideology and it is based on social democratic principles, according to Dr Tandi Dorji, a member of its "core working group".
"It is in the truest sense a political party, if a political party is defined or understood as an aggregation of views, or a group of people, who think alike or have similar ideologies," he said. “For a political party there has to be an ideology, on what you base your beliefs. So we have come to a common understanding to work on social democratic principles,” he said.
Dorji said that while Bhutan was already much of a welfare state, much of what is happening would continue, but the party had chosen an ideology between extreme left and right. “We’d encourage capitalism or privatisation, and continue providing welfare to the majority of the populace, especially in rural areas,” he said. Privatising health services was one.
Dorji said the new party would be one that gives importance to the party and not individuals. “We don’t want any individual to get so much influence over our party. We believe interest of the nation must come above all, and then the party’s interest above any individual, which isn’t happening right now.”
The Socialist Democratic Party will not appoint tshogpas in the villages to “avoid expenditure and creating rift in the communities”.
"People don’t like being identified with a party. This has created rift in the villages, between families, between neighbours, so this actually could be a disadvantage," he said.
"We’re trying to create the party that is sustainable even without state funding. We believe that there’s no need to have party workers," he said.
Tandi, the co-author of “Drukyul Decides”, which documented Bhutan’s first democratic elections, said the huge debt DPT and PDP incurred was because of keeping paid tshogpas and offices. “Having a tshogpa doesn’t guarantee votes,” he said, sharing his experience as a losing PDP candidate from Punakha in the 2008 elections.
Choice for 2013
The new party, according to the former PDP member from Punakha, was formed to provide a choice for Bhutanese democracy. “There are lots of people, who want to see an alternative, as there are only two member in the opposition party. We’ll provide them opportunity,” he said.
Tandi, who resigned from PDP in 2009, said the core group decided that there has to be a new generation of leaders. “For the past 15 to 20 years, we’ve been dependent on the same set of ministers. Sadly, not much has been done to mentor the next generation of leaders.”
But entering the fray the party would at least provide the opportunity for a primary round of elections where the people of Bhutan will decide which two parties will contest the general election. This, Tandi believes, is of utmost importance. “I didn’t have an ideology in 2008. I believed in my president like many others,” he said.
The new party, according to Tandi, has been working for the past one and a half years and already identified a leader. Although he declined to name names, he said they have senior civil servants, corporate employees, three former PDP members and former PDP and DPT party workers.
"We took so long because we were very careful in choosing our people. We identified 27 and narrowed it down to five," he said. The shortlist includes senior civil servants like serving secretaries. “The problem is they are civil servants and we can’t hold open political meetings or let their names out.” Tandin said the core group developed a set of about 17 indicators, like leadership skills, linguistic skills, experience, background, likeability to shortlist.
The Social Democratic Party’s logo has a plant instead of an animal as its party symbol.
Chances of winning
"The party is aware of DPT’s strength, and we’re working on our ideology to tell people why they should vote for us. DPT MPs can travel to their constituencies and campaign effectively. We don’t have that opportunity," he said. “DPT stands a better chance, but we’d like to provide a strong opposition.”
Asked if they would pick on weaknesses or failure of the government, Tandi said the government could have already prepared what to tell the voters. “The Lyonchhoen is a clever and shrewd politician, he’d have worked out the responses,” he said. “But we’re still developing our strategies and working on the ideology to convince people to vote for us.”
A drawback for new political parties is the civil service and election rules, which restrict politicking before the election period. “Politicians are seen as villains. People try to keep a distance even if they’re interested to associate, because rules don’t allow,” he said. “For new parties like ours, we need to take our charter out to the public and tell people to come out and look at it. If they believe and want to support, the system should allow it. “We don’t have the audience. Everything has to be done secretly because of the restriction.”
State funding
Although the party is determined to run with or without state funding, Tandi is in the same boat when it comes to state funding. State funding only the ruling and opposition party will kill democracy because it won’t give opportunities for the new parties to come, he said.
"We believe that, from 2013, all political parties that contest the primary round and win certain percentage of votes should be given state funding," he said. “If a party wins 15 percent of nearly 200,000 to 300,000 votes, that means a substantial number of people believe in that party. Based on those criteria, they should be given the same amount of money to sustain, so that the parties remain active even during non election years.”


Back ground:
Bhutan synonymously known as the “Sangrila” kingdom on the foot hills of eastern Himalayas sandwiched between two Asia giant countries, on the north China and India on east, south and west. It has an area of 47000 square kilometer with estimated population of 700000. It is a multi-racial country divided into three regions according to ethnic inhabitants. The Ngalongs, historically origin of Tibet are located in the western part of Bhutan and are minority but are the main ruling ethnic. The Sarchops, the indo-Burmese origin are believed to be the oldest inhabitants and are ethnically the second largest who were less favoured till the problem in southern Bhutan that became bonanza to them and now enjoy maximum opportunities in the government and private as well. The southern Bhutanese (Nepali speaking), the ethnic majority popularly known Lhotsampas on the south are the latest inhabitants although the history of settlement dates back to 1624 A.D and are now the victims of King Jigme Singye Wangchuk’s xenophobia and systematic ethnic cleansing. The Ngalongs and Sarchops follow the Drukpa kagyukpa and Ningmapa Buddhism and Lhotsampas are predominantly Hindus. Christianity is banned though many from all three Communities have embraced and embracing. 70% of the population depends on agriculture and has 56% literacy rate. With the increase of education level concomitantly there is problem of unemployment and the youth problems are on the rise. The main economic resources are hydro-power which has the capacity of producing 30000MW when fully exploited. Other sources are Tourism, mineral base products, forest products and small trade and commerce. The per capita income is the highest in the SAARC region. Till 2008, the country was ruled by absolute hereditary monarchy of Wangchuk dynasty.
System of government:
Before the establishment of hereditary monarchy of Wangchuk dynasty in 1907 by the help of the then British ruler in India, the country was governed by Deb rajas divided in small pockets. The first Sabdrung Ngawang Namgyel entered Bhutan from Ralung, Tibet in sixteen century and consolidated and unified the country and established dual system of administrative and religious and ruled the country until his assassination and usurping the power and establishment of hereditary monarchy by Wangchuk dynasty on 17th December 1907. Till constitutional monarchy ushered in 2008 by holding National Council and National Assembly election, it was ruled by absolute monarchy. Nevertheless, still people are yet to enjoy the real fruit of democracy as the monarch is not yet relieved of the relish of absolute power. It is still rallying around with his coteries running the government.
Genesis of Southern Bhutanese Problem:
The genesis of the southern Bhutanese Problem of Nepali speaking people is not other than the Royal Government of Bhutan’s (RGOB) well designed policy of systematic ethnic cleansing. The king Jigme Singye Wangchuk created fear psychosis of southern Bhutanese swamping up the Drukpas (northern Bhutanese) in the mind of the northern Bhutanese in order to smother the wrongs committed, specially his infidelity with four daughters of a pity businessman and siphoning huge amount of country’s wealth to them. By pleasing the northern Drukpas and the monk bodies he wanted to legitimize his marriage to four ladies which he had already fathered four illegitimate children. So he thought victimization of southern Bhutanese as soft target that most pleases the Drukpas and taken advantage of lack of strong representatives in legislature, judiciary and executive that impede his schemes. He held secret meetings with his coteries and adopted many sinister designs to provoke the sentiments of the southern Bhutanese and swoop upon action on dissent. To begin with, new citizenship act 1977 enacted replacing first ever country’s citizenship act 1958 that granted citizenship to all southern Bhutanese residing in Bhutan before or till 31st December 1958 and again another citizenship 1985 enacted as 1977 act did not suffice the desired policy of the Royal Government of Bhutan (RGOB) to victimize southern Bhutanese. Otherwise, unless it meant ill intention, where was the need of enactment of citizenship act one after another? All were Bhutanese as stated in the speech on National Day in Galeyphug on 17th December 1978 ” I have often heard that some of our Bhutanese people do not consider themselves as true Bhutanese. Those of you, who think this cannot be true Bhutanese because our people of southern Bhutan are not people of Nepal nor are you Indians from Kalimpong and Darjeeling. But, there is a great difference and that difference is because you all are people of the Pelden Drukpa. All of us are like one family”.Finally 1985 citizenship act was promulgated and in 1988/ 89 census was carried out in six districts in southern Bhutan. In the census, people were categorized in seven categories, F1 to F7. People were asked to produce documents of proof of particularly 1958. The census officials refused to accept documents of prior or after 1958 and people unable to produce 1958 documents were declared non-nationals and ordered to leave the country. People were caught in between the devil and the deep sea. The helpless people had no options than to appeal to the king, the supreme commander for reconsideration of the policy. The appeal was made through the southern Bhutanese representatives in the royal advisory council which unfortunately was taken as treason instead of the concern expressed in greater interest of the people and the country. The government mustered more stringent rules, fabricated the facts to convince the international community and continued eviction. The peaceful demonstration for democracy and human rights in September/ October 1990 was a blessing which the government was longing for such appropriate moment which is very clear from the notice issued by the then Deputy home minister Dago Tshering, one of the main villains on August 17, 1990 stating that “any Bhutanese leaving the country to assist and help anti-nationals shall no longer be considered as Bhutanese citizen. It must also be made very clear that such people’s family members living under same household will also be held fully responsible and forfeit their citizenship”. After the demonstration, the forceful eviction by intimidating people to sign so called voluntary migration form (VMF) at gun point was mounted leading people to leave in thousands. People left carrying barely some belongings leaving all their properties and reached the refugee camps in Nepal. The king Jigme Singye Wangchuk cleverly orchestrated the drama of visiting the people in the south and acted to have beg the people not to leave the country at the day light to show the International community that despite the personal effort of the king to stop them, people have left voluntarily, but at night he ordered the army and police to intimidate the people to sign so called voluntary migration form and evict in thousands next day. Not only that, himself used to move out in the cover of the night and come to Chirang and Dagana districts, about 100km away from Thimpu and lead the operations in army fatigue and returned to Thimpu before dawn and create impression that as if he had not left the palace. No body would know and believe the facts except his body guards and captain Chemi, the main commander (TIGER) of Chirang and responsible for eviction of people and killings. The fact again was known from reliable sources as the trusted TIGER confided to some confidants. The king accolade the officers, those who killed southern Bhutanese and evicted maximum people. This again was corroborated by the fact when government could not punished legally the killer the then Dzongda of Mongar (Chief District Officer) Lhakpa Dorji Dukpa when he killed one monk at point blank in Mongar district on protesting on religious discrimination and demanding democracy and human rights. He outright said, the king had given promotion on killing the southern Bhutanese when he was Dzongda in Samchi and why punishment on killing a sarchop, a similar anti-national? He had threatened to reveal all the government anti-policies on southern Bhutanese and unjust eviction if he had to face the punishment. The king placated him and was just stripped of his job but with full enjoyment of government emoluments and facilities till now. He is freely moving. The king Jigme Singye Wangchuk was so xenophobic of Nepali speaking southern Bhutanese that he even wanted to get rid of all of them by surrendering one of the southern districts, Samchi to the government of India led by the then Prime minister late Chandra Shekhar on condition to take all the southern Bhutanese and on the other hand talk of integrity and sovereignty of the country. The king Jigme Singye Wangchuk chose the most cruel people to evict the southern Bhutanese which was very precise from the way he appointed the commander -in-chief (TIGER) in the southern district in 1990s. He appointed the former palace cook turned businessman, Sonam Dukpa as TIGER of SamdrupJongkhar district and fully powered to imprison, torture, kill and evict people . He torturd to death the then Dalim mondal (block head) Bhakta Bahadur Pokhrel and many more. He even gone beyond his jurisdiction and kill Indra Prasad Pathak in Chirang district. The king rewarded him. One cannot fathom the atrocities, inhuman tortures, wanton arrest,plunder, death, rape, mental and psychological tortures inflicted and eviction with humiliation with paltry sum so called compensation for properties worth of lakhs taking video film with the money smiling. Further, the king to show his magnanimity and impress the Drukpas that he is their caring king for their welfare allotted the lands belonging to the evicted Lhotsampas. He coined a philosophy of Gross National Happiness (GNH) at the cost of miseries and unhappiness of the Lhotsampas.
Tampering the evidences of Lhotsampas:
The Royal government of Bhutan not only evicted more than 110000 Nepali speaking southern Bhutanese (lhotsampas) but along with wickedly tried its best to annihilate the history, culture, tradition, language and religion of the southern Bhutanese and other evidences of living in Bhutan. In its first attempt, the government came out with the policy of “ one nation, one people”, where every Bhutanese irrespective of ethnicity and diverse social, culture, tradition, language and religion has to follow the Drukpa etiquettes of only wearing Drukpa dress, gho (male) and Kira (female) and speak only Dzongkha, the national language but the mother tongue and spoken by just Ngalong consisting of 20% of the total population. The dress code was so strictly imposed that even people were fined and jailed by the police if found without gho and kira loitering outside the home. After the eruption of problem in southern Bhutan in 1990, the Royal government of Bhutan came with many sinister designs of erasing off the evidence of southern Bhutanese of Nepali speaking ever living in Bhutan. Southern Bhutanese were categorized into seven categories:
  1. Genuine Bhutanese (F1)
  2. Returnees ( F2-Bhutanese returned to Bhutan after leaving the country)
  3. Drop out ( F3-Bhutanese not present during the time of census)
  4. Children if mother is from outside of Bhutan (F4)
  5. Children if father is from outside of Bhutan (F5)
  6. Adoption (F6)
  7. Non-national (F7)
The government also carried out the population transfer from northern Bhutan and allotted the land and other properties belonging to the southern Bhutanese particularly the refugees and as well as changed the land registration numbers (Sathram). In the name of cadastral survey, people were deprived of their prime land though land holding was much below then the ceiling of 25 acres. No registration of any landed property is allowed to the people other than in Census F1. It also changed the Citizenship Identity Card. The names of the districts, Sub-divisions, blocks and villages were also changed. It also banned the teaching of Nepali in the schools and the books were burnt. The houses left by the refugees were either burnt down or dismantled. All schools were closed down in southern Bhutan and turned into army barracks until the northern Bhutanese were brought for resettlement. The relatives of the refugees were terminated from the government service without any benefit. The recruitment of southern Bhutanese in Royal Bhutan Army (RBA), Royal Bhutan Police (RBP) and Royal Bhutan security Force (RBSF) was stopped since 1990, the year the problem started in southern Bhutan. There is no single southern Bhutanese sub-division officer (Dungpa), least to say chief district officer (Dzongda) in home ministry. There is no even a peon in the foreign ministry. The Police Clearance certificate is mandatory for every purpose, even for admission of the children in the school and which is denied to the relatives of the refugees. No land registration is permitted to the relatives of the refugees and trade license is denied. They have to do proxy business on the licenses of Drukpas for their livelihood. No one can touch the land left by the relatives or even given as shares. The indirect harassment is to compel the southern Bhutanese to leave the country.
The refugees in Nepal:
Nepal was never a chosen destination of Bhutanese refugees. Before coming to Nepal as refugees, very few knew where Nepal was exactly. Though southern Bhutanese speak the same language and follow same religion, culture, tradition and custom, yet differ in many ways. The southern Bhutanese have own distinct identity as Bhutanese and manner of practice and observation of social etiquette is different. The refugees were compelled to cross Indo-Nepal border by the inevitable circumstances as India, our immediate neighbor and the country of first asylum unable to provide shelter and safety. Instead it hounded the refugees and loaded on the trucks and reached to the Indo-Nepal border at Panitanki and dumped. In Nepal, organized camps were built and sheltering about 110000 refugees in seven camps in two districts of Jhapa and Morang in eastern most part of the country for last 22 years.
Bilateral Talks:
In an endeavour to find peaceful and holistic resolution of the problem, Nepal government initiated bilateral talk with the Royal Government of Bhutan (RGOB) in 1993. In order to find comprehensive solution of the problem, even it agreed to Bhutan government’s proposal to four categorizations of the refugees. Much against the refugees’ denial, the refugees were categorized as 1. Bhutanese forcefully evicted 2. Bhutanese voluntarily migrated 3. Non-Bhutanese 4. Bhutanese involved in criminal activities in Bhutan. The four categorizations became the bone of contention which the government of Nepal could not salvage despite 15 rounds of joint ministerial talk. Lastly the Nepal government gave up to intransigent Bhutan government to verification according to four categories. To begin with the verification of refugees started in Khudunabari camp in 2001 by the Joint Verification Team (JVT) of government of Nepal and Bhutan. However, the JVT failed to produce positive result. The result was bizarre when announced in 2003. It was unilateral result of the Bhutan government and Nepal government Team did not have their side of the result of their own findings. The Nepali verification team like the bilateral talk teams was mesmerized by the Bhutan government with their hospitality to concur to whatever the Bhutanese Team produce. The Bhutan government deliberately created impasse by bringing unacceptable conditions on repatriation after finding that 75% proved to be Bhutanese even with stringent censor and which the Bhutan government had been denying any presence of Bhutanese in the past and before the verification. Therefore, since 2003, the bilateral process remains stand still coupled by unstable political situation in Nepal to follow up.
International donor fatigue and third country Resettlement:
The Bhutanese refugee camps are manned by UNHCR with its implementing partners with the assistance from the donor agencies since its taking over in 1992. Even after 22 years, the resolution of the festering problem was not seen imminent coupled by the unstable political situation in Nepal and on the other, Bhutan government taking strong stand not to take back the refugees. The facilities are dwindling because of financial constraint as there is increasing donor fatigue. The long impasse spurred the UNHCR and the International community to explore way and means for comprehensive solution of the protracted problem and agreed for resettlement by the core countries for Bhutanese refugees, USA, Australia, New Zealand, Canada, Norway, Netherlands, Denmark and later UK. The resettlement started in 2008 and USA taking the largest number of about 60000. No doubt the resettlement has immensely benefited the refugees especially the youths to build a better future. However, the humanitarian gestures has on the other hand grossly ignored the right of Bhutanese nationality and citizenship and concomitantly condoned the perpetrator, Bhutan government of crime against humanity and racial discrimination. Magnanimous act of the international community has abetted Bhutan government of its brutality and ignored the sufferings and suppression of about 80000 southern Bhutanese who are the relatives of the refugees. Their citizenship is still in question. They are virtually stateless and are also deprived from all government opportunities as they cannot obtain Security Clearance Certificate from the police which mandatory for all purpose. People are categorized into seven categories F1 to F7. The southern Bhutanese have to live and bear the stigma of categories and were deprived from voting in the first ever parliamentary election in 2008. They are socially downgraded, especially in case of marriage. The first question asked by the party is the status of census in order to avoid any complication. How unjust and painful mentally and psychologically to live with census category tag is known only by the victims.
Evolution of Bhutan United Socialist Democratic Party (BUSDP):
Realizing the facts that indifference of International community on the rights of the Bhutanese refugees, sufferings of southern Bhutanese living inside the country, the need of evolution of BUSDP was felt inevitable to fight for justice of the people. The penance for 22 years for amicable resolution of the southern Bhutanese problem that manifesting into unprecedented consequences every passing day was never acknowledge by the regime. Our patience was taken as our weakness and withstanding of miseries as inability to do anything. The government never showed iota of compassion and flexibility while the dissidents were ready to compromise and accepted the verification that thought to bring fair and just solution agreeable to all the stakeholders. The verification result was bizarre and thwarted the process by the Bhutan government on knowing that 75% of refugees are Bhutanese and have to shoulder the onus of taking them back. The Bhutanese Joint Verification Team left Nepal making lame excuse of insecurity when few refugees agitated spontaneously on hearing the result and tried to manhandle the members. Since then the Bhutanese Team never returned though the bilateral process is neither abandoned nor resumed after 2003. Bhutan government always remained adamant and maintained status quo position on four categorizations of refugees, the bone of contention of holistic solution of the problem. Now the resettlement of refugees in third country is taken as the victory and perennial political imbroglio in Nepal is a respite.
Every one turning their back on our struggle for right to return, even the International community who assured their commitment to repatriate the willing Bhutanese has been lackadaisical and their agent UNHCR is motivating all refugees for resettlement much against the wish of the majority of the refugees. The UNHCR has not initiated other options, letting resettlement only Hobson’s choice to refugees. As unjust try to get justice by injustice, the BUSDP has reached to decision after long deliberation that we are left with no alternative than arm revolution as last resort to get our rights. This has to be adopted as our incessant appeals for peaceful resolution of the southern Bhutanese problem through rapprochement and national reconciliation has been derided by the Bhutan government. The prime minister alleged of evolution of problem as of population explosion, ecological disaster and economic depreciation. He further says that eviction of people has been misinterpreted as human rights violation which in fact is humanitarian issue. He is trying to justify the right upon the wrongs. On the other hand, the International community lied and betrayed the Bhutanese refugee leaders of their assurance that repatriation would start simultaneously with resettlement. Till now no single Bhutanese refugee has been repatriated. In contrary now UNHCR is saying that 99% will be resettled in another 5 years giving clean chit to the Bhutan government, the perpetrator by taking its side.
It should not be misconstrued that BUSDP is guided by ambition of belligerency, thirst for power, political ideology and influence of arms struggle elsewhere. It is simply impelled by the circumstances and situation that being faced by the southern Bhutanese on prejudice of being Nepali speaking. BUSDP just wants to emancipate people from all forms of discriminations and suppressions and live a dignified human person governed by the rules of law. The people of Bhutan must enjoy full democratic rights as supreme power.
1. Establish socialist secular Federal Republic Democracy that empowers people as the supreme authority in decision and policy making and there should be rules of law.
2. Repatriation of all Bhutanese refugees wherever one may be to own homesteads with dignity and honour
3. Inculcate in all the Bhutanese the sense of brotherhood, fraternity and benefit of living in harmony.
1. Eliminate all forms of prejudice and discriminations.
2. Educate people on human rights and create awareness on self respect and respect to others.
3. Educate people on civic sense and responsibility.
4. Empower women and strengthen their capability so that they equally participate in the decision and policy making and become partner in development of society and nation.
5. Youths problem is becoming menace to the society and unemployment is acute leading youths to unhealthy anti-social activities and indulgence in substance abuse. Provide proper counseling, education and bring them in main stream of nation building and to become responsible citizens.
6. Maintain close relationship with the people of neighbouring state of Bodoland, Assam, Gorkhaland, Sikkim and Bengal and revamp time immemorial historic people to people contact in particular and in general with all people of India.
7. Eradicate poverty by means of equal distribution of national wealth, innovation of scientific method to boost productions, market research and removing disparity.
8. Maintain clean environment and ecological balance to avoid any natural depletion and disasters.
9. Provide old age pension to people above 60years.
10. Establish old age home or home for destitute to take care of the neglected aged people and destitute.
11. Encourage one family two children to maintain balanced population proportionate to land ratio.
1. Repatriation of all Bhutanese refugees wherever one may be to own land with full compensation of properties.
2. Repeal all discriminatory laws and enact new laws in conformation with democratic institution and international norms, covenants and conventions.
3. Proportional representation of southern Bhutanese in judiciary, Executive and legislature.
4. Prosecution of perpetrators involved in eviction of southern Bhutanese and committing crime against humanity and destabilizing the country.
5. Relocation of resettled northern Bhutanese to new place and vacate the land belonging to southern Bhutanese refugees and create congenial atmosphere on repatriation.
6. All Bhutanese refugees resettled in third countries should be considered Non-Resident Bhutanese (NRB) and should have the right to return if any one wishes.
7. Establish National Human Rights Commission.
8. Give recognition to academic certificate and degrees obtained in exile.
9. Nepali language should be taught in schools and recognize as official language.
10. Remove all Royal Bhutan Army (RBA) and security forces from southern Bhutan.
11. Freedom of religion as individual faith and belief.
12. Reinstate all the government servants terminated on being relatives of refugees and left Bhutan on compulsion of the situation with full compensation and commensurate position to his/her contemporaries enjoying.
13. Unconditional release of all political prisoners.
14. Detail account of people killed by Army, police and civil authorities, custodial deaths and disappearance and handing over of dead bodies to the relatives for proper cremation and religious rites.
15. The families of deceased should be compensated adequately and rehabilitated.
16. Declare general amnesty
17. All marriages from outside should be naturalized as husband and wife is inalienable natural bond, therefore wife should get the privilege of rights to enjoy the rights as of husband in the country and the children born out of the wedlock should become citizen naturally.
Realizing that the declaration of Bhutan United Socialist Democratic Party which hereinafter known BUSDP in abbreviation and its Head Quarters in Chirang Bhutan is inevitable to fight for the rights of return of the Bhutanese refugees as enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) on 10th December 1948,
Realizing that the Royal government of Bhutan (RGOB) is signatory to the UDHR and not complying to the declaration,
Realizing that the RGOB arbitrarily disenfranchised 110000 southern Bhutanese from Bhutanese nationality, citizenship and banished to become refugees, and at the same time about 80000 southern Bhutanese, the relatives of the refugees and other minority Tibetans are stateless and are perpetually discriminated and living on different census category stigma and the children are deprived from all government opportunities including higher education and employment,
Realizing that the International community that espouse democracy and human rights in the world apathetic to repatriation and taking refugees for resettlement and creating southern Bhutanese of Nepali speaking diaspora and not pressurizing the Bhutan government for repatriation and condoning off all atrocities meted out to the southern Bhutanese and aiding and abetting Bhutan government of continuous persecution of southern Bhutanese and supporting the ethnic cleansing policy,
Realizing that Bhutan government has never given heed to our incessant appeal for peaceful resolution of the problem through rapprochement and national reconciliation and instead continuing to allege southern Bhutanese as illegal immigrants and attributing the creation of refugees as population explosion, ecological disaster and economic depreciation,
Realizing that now exhausted all peaceful means and our 22 years of penance for amicable resolution of the problem were futile and left no other alternative then to resort to arms revolution as last recourse to get justice,
We unanimously agreed to declare BUSDP on sixteen April two thousand and twelve in exile in Damak-13, Jhapa, Nepal with vision and mission to establish Socialist Secular Federal Republic Democracy, repatriate all Bhutanese in exile to own land and wherein all Bhutanese live harmoniously enjoying peace and prosperity for time eternal.

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